Indigenous-Education-Review_DRAFT
Indigenous-Education-Review_DRAFT
Indigenous-Education-Review_DRAFT
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<strong>Review</strong> of <strong>Indigenous</strong> <strong>Education</strong> in the Northern Territory<br />
Bruce Wilson<br />
Young people engaged in these programs are (to an extent) fulfilling the legal requirement<br />
that they remain at school without benefiting from the moral requirement that they gain<br />
something worth having from this imposition. Students are often only minimally literate,<br />
largely disengaged from school, attending sporadically, looking forward to the end of their<br />
schooling with little prospect of gaining a formal qualification and in many cases without a<br />
realistic chance of gaining worthwhile employment locally.<br />
Schools in different locations offer students different levels of aspiration. Urban students are<br />
usually in an environment where they see people occupying a wide range of adult roles, and<br />
where fellow students are aiming for university courses, VET qualifications and professional<br />
or qualified trade occupations. Bush students are often in schools where no <strong>Indigenous</strong><br />
student, or almost none, has completed NTCET or a significant VET qualification, been to<br />
university or taken up a professional or significant technical or trade role. This experience<br />
inevitably limits their aspirations.<br />
As Biddle and Cameron argue, expectations of educational outcomes are an important<br />
indicator of early disengagement from education. They note that:<br />
…a student’s expectations may be self‐fulfilling. Those who do not expect to complete<br />
high school are unlikely to put in much effort at school. [Expectations] are strongly<br />
influenced by the characteristics of one’s peers, parents and teachers (Biddle and<br />
Cameron, 2011: 24).<br />
If the capacity of the remote <strong>Indigenous</strong> student population is normally distributed, there<br />
should be as many teachers, carpenters, nurses, doctors, veterinarians, plumbers and<br />
computer programmers emerging from these communities as from all communities. But as<br />
Figure 17 above shows, there are not.<br />
One response to this situation has been to accept the limited horizon of the local community<br />
and initiate VET programs based on local employment opportunities. The weakness of this<br />
approach is that it limits the aspirations of whole communities of children to community<br />
work or rural operations, or whatever else is available within the boundaries of small<br />
communities. VET options are clearly important in engagement and as pointers and<br />
pathways to career options. But they should not be limited solely to the local horizon.<br />
Students need a strong and realistic sense that they could gain materially from continuing<br />
their education, that there are future options beyond what they can see in their local<br />
community. For many students in bush settings, this is far from the case now.<br />
<strong>DRAFT</strong><br />
This review believes that despite patches of success and occasional encouraging results from<br />
individual schools, the delivery of secondary education outside the larger centres has<br />
produced a minimal return for a significant investment. Since Collins, another generation of<br />
children in bush schools has largely failed to gain the benefits of a secondary education. This<br />
discussion is not intended to be critical of those communities and teachers who have fought<br />
to offer a secondary experience to young people in the most remote of settings. The effort,<br />
commitment and tenacity of those individuals and groups are admirable, but they are facing<br />
impossible odds. The years of effort to expand secondary remote provision since the Collins<br />
review have demonstrated that it is not possible to offer a comprehensive and substantial<br />
secondary program in most bush settings.<br />
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