Garnaut Fitzgerald Review of Commonwealth-State Funding
Garnaut Fitzgerald Review of Commonwealth-State Funding
Garnaut Fitzgerald Review of Commonwealth-State Funding
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CHAPTER 12: Overall Assessment<br />
and the Need for Reform<br />
There is a better model, and a path <strong>of</strong> implementation that would avoid dislocations in<br />
transition while retaining most <strong>of</strong> the net benefits <strong>of</strong> reform. This creates an attractive<br />
opportunity for reform to achieve greater equity, efficiency and transparency in an<br />
important area <strong>of</strong> public policy. Reform always requires political and community leaders<br />
to make the case for change once they have been convinced <strong>of</strong> its necessity or value.<br />
We hope that leaders on both sides <strong>of</strong> politics and at <strong>Commonwealth</strong> and <strong>State</strong> level will<br />
give thought to the alternative model, and weigh its merits.<br />
The best model is not an improved version <strong>of</strong> the status quo, patched up to remove the<br />
most obvious flaws in methods <strong>of</strong> assessing untied grants to the <strong>State</strong>s (see Chapters 4,<br />
5 and 11), and <strong>of</strong> management <strong>of</strong> SPPs (see Chapters 2 and 5). It would be possible, for<br />
example, for the CGC's calculations to take sensible account <strong>of</strong> public investment<br />
needed by the <strong>State</strong>s for relatively strong economic growth. Economic rent, rather than<br />
sales value, could be introduced as an indicator <strong>of</strong> taxation capacity in the natural<br />
resource industries. Inconsistencies in accrual and cash accounting that have<br />
introduced anomalies into assessment <strong>of</strong> superannuation-related expenditure disabilities<br />
can be resolved.<br />
However, small improvements would not remove the biggest weaknesses in the CGC's<br />
current interpretation <strong>of</strong> HFE.<br />
• It would continue to distort the size <strong>of</strong> the public sector, and therefore the political<br />
economy, <strong>of</strong> <strong>State</strong>s that are the largest recipients <strong>of</strong> transfers via the<br />
<strong>Commonwealth</strong>.<br />
• It would continue to drive a wedge between the effects <strong>of</strong> <strong>State</strong> policies on <strong>State</strong><br />
economic performance, and the benefits enjoyed by the relevant <strong>State</strong> communities.<br />
• It would continue to override Australians’ preferences in relation to the availability <strong>of</strong><br />
minimum levels <strong>of</strong> the most important merit services across the national community.<br />
• Most importantly, a system that is already so complicated that only a few Australians<br />
understand it would become even more complicated and opaque to community<br />
interest and accountability – despite its relevance to delivery <strong>of</strong> services <strong>of</strong> great<br />
importance to all Australians.<br />
Equally there is little merit in marginal reform <strong>of</strong> the established system <strong>of</strong> SPPs. In<br />
submissions and other representations to the <strong>Review</strong>, interested parties on both sides <strong>of</strong><br />
Australian politics and in all <strong>State</strong>s recognised the need for fundamental reform <strong>of</strong><br />
funding through SPPs because <strong>of</strong>:<br />
• blurred accountabilities derived from overlapping <strong>Commonwealth</strong>–<strong>State</strong><br />
responsibility<br />
• deadweight costs <strong>of</strong> game-playing over funding and responsibility<br />
• resulting underperformance in areas that are most important to Australians.<br />
FINAL REPORT [183]