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Radio evolution - ICS - Universidade do Minho

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1991929394959697989920000102030405060708092010Casting <strong>do</strong>ubts on Web Media. Can Internet <strong>Radio</strong> make a difference in the Greek case?100%90%80%70%60%50%40%30%20%10%0%<strong>Radio</strong> Newspapers Magazines ΤVFigure 2. Percentage of advertising expenditure per medium 1991-2010 (adapted form Heretakis, 2011: 27-8; source: Media Services)Figure 2 reveals once more radio’s external competition with other media, but more staggering dataavailable are related to the dramatic decline of advertising income by the end of the first decade of the 20 thcentury in the Greek media landscape. Heretakis (2011: 2, 7) points out that this is an endemic phenomenon inEuropean media landscapes, while he also states that according to general predictions the <strong>do</strong>wnfall of advertisingexpenditure will continue well after 2010. Thus, he bewares of media organizations resorting to even more blatantcommercialization tactics in order to safeguard their income.Another characteristic of the Greek radio landscape is that despite the fragmentation of its audience, itretains quite low levels of concentration. Papavasilopoulos and Heretakis (2006: 182-3), as well as Agas,Tsourvakas and Pekaiti (2009: 114-5), underline that market concentration in the Athens area remains relativelymodest until 2007 according to the relevant CR4 and HHI measurement indexes 11 . The former authors maintainthat from the late 1990s and the waning-off of the popularity of a handful of informational radios that were ableto reach huge audiences (Papavasilopoulos & Heretakis, 2006: 183) 12 , the gradual ascent of music radios leads toaudience fragmentation and modest levels of concentration. The latter authors point out that the low levels ofconcentration relate to fierce internal competition in the radio <strong>do</strong>main and, most importantly, externalcompetition with other media. If their recommendation for the regulatory allowance of networks (the mostprofitable radio business along with national radio in the European landscapes) is to become sound, it must becombined with content obligations that serve the public interest. According to the experience of Westernbroadcasting landscapes, it still remains to test the hypothesis that the regulatory encouragement of monopolisticcompetition in the operation of radio networks encourages the creation of economic diversity via the promotionof exposure diversity (Barboutis, 2010: 185) 13 .11 This means that detailed studies have to be undertaken in Thessaloniki and Patras the other two big Greek urban centers in the prefecture ofwhich the biggest bulk of radio stations operate. On the other hand, since Greece still retains a considerable amount of rural population, thepolicy need to license the operation of regional rural radio stations remains to be confirmed.12 For example, see Yieroyianni: 2001: 190.13 Especially as far as the Greek case is concerned, radio networking has been allowed ever since the enactment of Presidential Decree 25/1988.Subsequent radio legislation failed to lay out content obligations like children’s stories, news and music <strong>do</strong>cumentaries and radio plays, wouldnow make even more sense, competition-wise, if introduced as part of the current digital multi-media environment (for example, Internet audiocontent enriched by 3D graphics and animation). Not only <strong>do</strong> they minimize external competition between different media, but they also dealsufficiently with internal competition by avoiding the “hoteling effect” – the phenomenon of stations competing by copying each other, only toproduce a lowest common content denominator (cf. Heretakis, 2001: 17-9, 29-30).ECREA: ‘<strong>Radio</strong> Evolution: technology, contents, audiences – conference 2011 | 115

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