learn$ave Project: Final ReportNumber of Enrolleesthe target population. The non-experimental sites usedsimilar methods to promote the project <strong>and</strong> attracteligible participants but at one or more sites (includingthe experimental Halifax site), advertizing on local cabletelevision channels <strong>and</strong> direct mail targeted by postalcode were additional methods used; two sites (Winnipeg<strong>and</strong> Calgary) were able to benefit from awareness of theirown IDA programs. The larger urban centres of Montreal,Winnipeg <strong>and</strong> Calgary found that a multi-faceted advertisingcampaign was not necessary. However, many of thesmaller-market sites discovered at some point that theyhad to exp<strong>and</strong> their range of marketing methods at leastto some degree.Nearly one third (29 per cent) of enrolees in theproject <strong>report</strong>ed hearing about learn$ave through localmedia. Advertizing or interviews with local ethnic mediawere particularly effective in Toronto <strong>and</strong> may havecontributed to the large proportion of the final samplewho were newcomers to Canada at the time they appliedto learn$ave (see the discussion later in this chapter).When participants were asked how they had heardabout the project, the single most common method was“word of mouth,” at 35 per cent of participants. This isagain consistent with previous experience with IDAs inthe U.S. The marketing directly to target clients may haveraised their awareness of the project, but the decision toapply <strong>and</strong> enrol may have required some communicationwith a trusted personal contact such as a friend, familymember or community member. In fact, research onFigure 4.2 Cumulative Recruitment by Type of Site <strong>and</strong> Date40003500300025002000150010005000June2001Source:Oct.2001Feb.2002Experimental sitesNon-experimental sitesJune2002Oct.2002Feb.2003June2003Oct.2003Feb.2004Participant Management Information System <strong>and</strong>Baseline Survey.marketing techniques suggests that external marketingefforts (such as advertising, direct mail, etc.) are primarilyeffective only in the early stages when a new product orservice is being introduced (Goldenberg et al., 2001) <strong>and</strong>are quickly outpaced by the effects of word of mouth fromstrong or even weakly connected community members.This suggests that building a critical mass of participantsalready in the project may have been important torecruiting the remainder, which would be consistent withthe observed patterns of enrolment. Through their socialnetworks, existing participants can serve as examples oreven informal ambassadors for the IDA project, demonstratingthat the project is real <strong>and</strong> achievable for otherswho meet the selection criteria.Recruitment was completed in Halifax in July 2003, inToronto in August 2003, <strong>and</strong> in Vancouver in December2003. Recruitment in the last of the non-experimentalsites ended by August 2003.Potential reasons for recruitment difficulties <strong>and</strong> slow/low take-upThe focus group <strong>and</strong> other evidence points toward anumber of reasons why recruitment was difficult. Theevidence suggested that recruitment challenges wererelated both to certain features of the project design <strong>and</strong>to information or attitudinal barriers. The above-mentionedpattern of word of mouth may be most effective inaddressing these attitudinal challenges to attracting newparticipants.Barriers related to project design• Constrained uses of matched credits: More people mighthave applied if the credits could have been used forother “assets” as not all eligible low-income adultssaw education or small business as the best route toimproving their well-being. Several focus group memberssuggested that savings <strong>and</strong> credits should have beenavailable for other purposes beyond education orstarting a small business, placing a higher value on othergoals such as home ownership to “get ahead.” Similarly,several non-participants indicated a lack of interest inlearn$ave’s savings goals (education or small business)<strong>and</strong> expressed uncertainty about their own goals.Although the non-participants were eligible, they did notsee enough personal benefit in the project to decide toparticipate.• <strong>Research</strong> component: More individuals may have beenattracted <strong>and</strong> signed up for learn$ave if it had not hadbeen a temporary/demonstration project. The timelimits may have made it less attractive than, for example,on-going RRSP savings that allow accountholders to optin <strong>and</strong> out as their circumstances permit. According to thefocus groups, many who decided not to enrol in learn$ave32 | Chapter 4 <strong>Social</strong> <strong>Research</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Demonstration</strong> <strong>Corp</strong>oration
learn$ave Project: Final Reportwere discouraged by the possibility of being assignedto the control group at the r<strong>and</strong>om assignment sites. Onthe other h<strong>and</strong>, focus groups with participants who hadenrolled in the project found that, while they did not wantto be put in the control group, they regarded learn$ave asan opportunity <strong>and</strong> felt they had nothing to lose in takinga chance an applying despite the r<strong>and</strong>om assignmentprocess. Also, results from the Market <strong>Research</strong> Surveyindicated that only about 5 per cent of the small numberof respondents who had negative views of learn$avespecifically identified the risk of being assigned to thecontrol group as the reason for their poor impression ofthe project (Kingwell, 2005).• No master list: The fact that recruitment had to bedone from a convenience sample contributed to therecruitment challenges. For ease in filling project spaces,as well as for targeting, checking against eligibilitycriteria <strong>and</strong> intake, it would have been preferable tohave selected participants (including those for thecontrol group) r<strong>and</strong>omly from a list of eligible people.Other demonstrations <strong>and</strong> even ongoing programsfrequently rely on some administrative rule for programparticipation as a pre-condition for eligibility. Forexample, the Canada Learning Bond is aimed only atfamilies receiving the National Child Benefit Supplement.Similarly, most EI Part II-funded training is limited toclients with recent or current eligibility for or receipt ofEI Part I income-benefits. In these cases, a master list canbe used to r<strong>and</strong>omly or systematically select participants<strong>and</strong> their outcomes can then be compared.• Paper burden: Most non-participants said they wereoverwhelmed <strong>and</strong> discouraged when faced with thelearn$ave application form. This was particularlytrue for those who took part in application sessionsattended by a large number of people <strong>and</strong> those livingin rural areas who had received forms in the mail. A fewnon-participants expressed irritation with the type ofinformation requested on the learn$ave application form.Several participants were reluctant to share income taxinformation to prove their income as part of the screeningfor eligibility.Barriers related to information or attitudes• Fears <strong>and</strong> lack of confidence: For some non-participants,personal problems <strong>and</strong> fears were an obstacle toapplying. For a few, the learn$ave offer came at a timewhen they were experiencing family crisis or otherpressing problems that led them to conclude the projectwas outside of their reach for the time being. A fewnon-participants expressed serious reservations abouttheir ability to save the required minimum amount of10 dollars per month for 12 months to receive matchingfunds. Several non-participants saw the need to open abank account as a barrier to enrolling in the project <strong>and</strong>expressed mistrust in financial institutions or feelingintimidated by mainstream banks. Some believed thatpast financial difficulties would make it difficult orimpossible to open an account. Others were concernedthat creditors would seize their learn$ave savings tocover outst<strong>and</strong>ing debts or that they might lose othermeans-tested government benefits (such as daycaresubsidies, rental subsidies <strong>and</strong> social assistance). Theseconcerns have also been noted in the American Dream<strong>Demonstration</strong> IDA (Adams, 2005) <strong>and</strong> in other reviewsof asset-tested benefits (Robson, 2008).• Skepticism: Without a track record of success <strong>and</strong> proveneffectiveness, it would be underst<strong>and</strong>able that manyprospective applicants might view the project with someskepticism. Also, at the time learn$ave was implemented,there were few if any other savings <strong>and</strong> asset-buildinginitiatives for low-income households, perhaps reflectingor even shaping a less supportive climate for suchmeasures. Both participants <strong>and</strong> non-participants saidthey were initially skeptical about the offer <strong>and</strong> describeda $3 to $1 match rate as “too good to be true.” Thisresponse is consistent with the experience in matchedsaving programs like IDAs in other countries (Rohe et al.,2005; ECOTEC, 2004; Russell, 2006). It is worth notingthat low-income adults may face greater exposure thanother adults to misleading advertisements promisingquick <strong>and</strong> easy access to income. Those who eventuallyenrolled in learn$ave initially seemed to be actually moreskeptical than non-participants about the legitimacy ofthe project; but they were more inclined to make theeffort <strong>and</strong> make inquiries, which eventually satisfied theirdoubts. To them, gaining access to the matched creditshad been worth the effort.• Insufficient proceeds: Some non-participants in the project<strong>report</strong>ed in focus groups that they felt the amount ofcredits available from the learn$ave IDA (a maximum of$4,500 in cashed out credits at the experimental sitesplus $1,500 in one’s own savings) might not have beenenough for the education they wanted to take. However,this may be linked to misperceptions about the real costof education (see Box 4.1).Lessons learnedThe initial recruitment difficulties <strong>and</strong> the qualitativeevidence suggest that significant efforts would be neededto market a learn$ave program at scale. A nationalmarketing campaign (using mass media) on the benefitsof saving, alongside public information about the newprogram, would need to be considered to raise awareness<strong>and</strong> addressing skeptical attitudes or low confidence of<strong>Social</strong> <strong>Research</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Demonstration</strong> <strong>Corp</strong>oration Chapter 4 | 33