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ECONOMIC REPORT OF THE PRESIDENT

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A meta-analysis by Duncan and Magnuson (2013) examines the distribution<br />

of impacts for more than 80 programs, including Head Start, Abecedarian,<br />

and Perry as well as dozens of other preschool programs. Overall, across all<br />

studies and time periods, early childhood education increases cognitive and<br />

achievement scores by 0.35 standard deviations on average, or more than<br />

one-quarter of the kindergarten math test score gap between the highest<br />

and lowest income quintiles (Duncan and Magnuson 2011). The estimated<br />

impacts in the studies considered in Duncan and Magnuson (2013) are illustrated<br />

in Figure 4-18, with bigger circles generally corresponding to studies<br />

that enrolled more children. Figure 4-18 shows that the vast majority of<br />

programs benefit children’s cognitive development and achievement at the<br />

end of the program.<br />

The downward slope of the line in Figure 4-18 suggests that the effect<br />

sizes of early childhood education programs have fallen somewhat over<br />

time. However, as discussed above, a new study by Kline and Walters (2015)<br />

suggests that this pattern does not reflect declining program quality, but may<br />

be driven in part by an improving counterfactual for students not enrolled<br />

in the program being studied.<br />

One likely source of the improving academic outcomes for children<br />

who are not enrolled in Head Start or other more narrowly targeted programs<br />

is the recent expansion of large, State-run public preschool programs.<br />

Wong et al. (2008) examine five State-run preschool programs and find<br />

positive impacts on achievement test scores. Gormley et al. (2005) evaluate<br />

Oklahoma’s preschool program in Tulsa and find that children’s kindergarten<br />

achievement significantly improved. While it is too soon to directly estimate<br />

these programs’ long-term effects since the oldest participants have not<br />

yet entered the labor force, Hill, Gormley and Adelstein (2015) find evidence<br />

of a persistent improvement in the Tulsa program’s impacts through third<br />

grade for some students. Recent evaluations find positive cognitive outcomes<br />

at fourth grade of Georgia’s State-run preschool program (Fitzpatrick<br />

2008) and some persistent, though smaller, effects of Georgia and Tulsa’s<br />

programs through eighth grade (Cascio and Schanzenbach 2013). These<br />

studies also show that, even when some participating children switch from<br />

private programs (a phenomenon often referred to as “crowd-out”), there<br />

can still be gains in achievement for these children who would have otherwise<br />

been in private programs, perhaps because families can use the savings<br />

from switching to a public program to make other positive investments in<br />

their children. A new working paper has also found evidence of the nonacademic<br />

impacts of universal preschool on criminal activity. Oklahoma’s<br />

universal preschool program lowered the likelihood that African-American<br />

Inequality in Early Childhood and Effective Public Policy Interventions | 197

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