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ECONOMIC REPORT OF THE PRESIDENT

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Figure 1-4<br />

Distribution of Household Wealth (Saez-Zucman), 1913–2012<br />

Percent of Total Household Wealth<br />

40<br />

35<br />

30<br />

Bottom 90<br />

Percent<br />

25<br />

20<br />

Top 1 Percent to Top<br />

0.1 Percent<br />

2012<br />

15<br />

10<br />

5<br />

Top 0.1 Percent<br />

0<br />

1913 1923 1933 1943 1953 1963 1973 1983 1993 2003 2013<br />

Source: Saez and Zucman (2015).<br />

Saez and Zucman argue that this increase in wealth concentration<br />

is compounded by an increase in differences in saving rates across wealth<br />

classes (for instance, wealthier individuals save a larger percentage of their<br />

income). More generally, they hypothesize that income inequality has a<br />

“snowballing effect” on the wealth distribution: a larger share of income is<br />

earned by top wealth holders, who then save at higher rates, which pushes<br />

wealth concentration up; this dynamic leads to rising capital-income concentration<br />

and contributes to even greater top income and wealth shares.<br />

Rising wealth inequality is perhaps best understood as the ultimate<br />

outcome of economic growth that leaves the middle class behind. But it is<br />

also an important cause of income inequality. In part, it directly reinforces<br />

itself because concentrated wealth leads to concentrated capital income. But<br />

more importantly, it helps entrench a broader inequality of opportunity that<br />

blocks the path to full economic participation for wide swaths of the potential<br />

U.S. labor force and innovation force.<br />

Inequality of Opportunity<br />

The traditional argument that inequality results from normal economic<br />

competition rests on the notion that competition for unequally distributed<br />

rewards encourages production. But when inequality has become<br />

so entrenched that it passes across generations and limits opportunity, it<br />

30 | Chapter 1

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