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46 Literature review<br />

5.2.2 PUBLIC DEBATE<br />

The assessments documented in the earlier <strong>EITI</strong> progress<br />

reports (<strong>EITI</strong> 2009, 2011) endorse these critical assessments<br />

insofar as they do not provide ‘hard facts’ about the progress<br />

towards more transparency and accountability but<br />

anecdotal references to activities and measures, which rarely<br />

prove any concrete achievements. By most of these ‘success<br />

stories’ it is hard to tell which difference was made in<br />

practice, not only in relation to transparency and accountability.<br />

However, the more recent reports (2013, 2014) now<br />

also contain exemplary facts and figures that enable assessing<br />

observable changes in <strong>EITI</strong> countries over the years and,<br />

at least in some cases, furthermore even provide plausible<br />

assumptions how the <strong>EITI</strong> has contributed to these changes<br />

(e.g. cf. <strong>EITI</strong> 2013: 21 for DRC). Even more to the point is<br />

the tabular overview compiled in the <strong>EITI</strong> handbook (Ravat/Kannan<br />

n.y.: 55ff) that summarizes corrective measures<br />

taken by the national <strong>EITI</strong> secretariats, which at least<br />

in in the case of Azerbaijan and Yemen eventually led to a<br />

change in the regulatory framework.<br />

NON-SPECIFICALLY ON THE <strong>EITI</strong>:<br />

IMF (2012: 5, 6) has assessed that empirical research points<br />

to a<br />

` `<br />

` `<br />

` `<br />

``<br />

“positive relationship between the degree of fiscal<br />

transparency and measures of fiscal sustainability (such<br />

as government deficits and debts), with a stronger correlation<br />

among low and middle income countries than<br />

among high income countries.”<br />

“positive relationship between the degree of fiscal<br />

transparency and market perceptions of fiscal solvency<br />

(such as credit default swap spreads on sovereign debt,<br />

credit ratings, and foreign equity investment), this time<br />

with a stronger correlation among high-income than<br />

middle-income countries.”<br />

“positive relationship between fiscal obfuscation (such<br />

as the use of accounting stratagems to hide deficits and<br />

debts) and perceptions of sovereign default risk.”<br />

and that a “loss of market confidence in governments<br />

with underestimated or hidden deficits underlines the<br />

link between fiscal credibility and openness.”<br />

``<br />

In some countries, but not all, the <strong>EITI</strong> contributed a<br />

great deal in creating awareness, encouraging and empowering<br />

citizens, and intensifying and informing public<br />

debates.<br />

COVERING THE STANDARD 2013:<br />

Contextualizing revenue information from the extractives<br />

and offering evidence-based advice is a key area of the <strong>EITI</strong><br />

(e.g. Rich/Moberg 2015: 6; <strong>EITI</strong> 2013: 21, both for DRC; <strong>EITI</strong><br />

2013: 24, for Mozambique; Wilson/van Alstine 2014: 38 for<br />

Nigeria; Sovacool/Andrews 2015: 185f; <strong>EITI</strong> International<br />

Secretariat 2015; Mouan 2014: 3ff, all in general). Such debates<br />

are assumed to have influenced civil society movements,<br />

policy-making, legislation, taxation and even the<br />

allocation of public funds. Another important contribution<br />

of the <strong>EITI</strong> to intensify public debate about extractive industries<br />

that is documented is that it empowers stakeholder<br />

groups at local level, which did not have a leverage before,<br />

to participate in a national discourse as for instance in<br />

Ghana (Scanteam 2015: 34).<br />

As Rich/Moberg (2015: 93) observe by referring to the case<br />

of Mongolia, the information needs to be formatted so that<br />

it can be adequately analyzed and subsequently refined,<br />

disseminated and used by the target audiences.<br />

Neumann (2014: 7) identified a further positive side-effect<br />

of the <strong>EITI</strong> related to the intensification of public debate,<br />

namely the substantial reduction of the workload of industry<br />

external relations & communications staff by up to 50%<br />

in <strong>EITI</strong> countries to be allocated to reactive and defensive<br />

measures as the <strong>EITI</strong> provides to companies an efficient<br />

platform for pro-active and strategic dialogue with NGOs,<br />

media and civil society in general.<br />

BEFORE THE STANDARD 2013:<br />

Etter (2014: 6) points to an earlier study from Haufler (2010),<br />

which provides a number of examples “where the <strong>EITI</strong> has<br />

led to the discovery of lacking payments to governments<br />

which has caused public outcry in member countries”,<br />

which apparently even led to the conviction of firms, e.g. in<br />

Nigeria and Liberia.<br />

As described for the case of Mongolia (Scanteam 2011: 21)<br />

significant progress can even occur before a country reach-

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