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47<br />

5.2.3 ANTI-CORRUPTION<br />

es membership status when such data is being made available.<br />

The report indicates that government and non-governmental<br />

stakeholders use mining sector revenues for their<br />

purposes such as forecasts, budget planning or advocacy<br />

activities.<br />

In contrast, Acosta emphasises that a “lack of stakeholder<br />

leadership, the exclusion of key social actors, or pre-existing<br />

institutional constraints such as weak accountability<br />

and oversight institutions” or “the absence of sufficient<br />

channels of communication” might endanger public debate<br />

(Acosta 2013: 100). The Scanteam 2011 report also<br />

points out, using the example of Nigeria, that just the provision<br />

of information is not sufficient for public discourse<br />

(p.24). While media and civil society organizations might<br />

forward key messages to the public, particularly CSOs appear<br />

to miss a viable strategy “for holding the public sector<br />

accountable for the use of the revenues”.<br />

Another obstacle for public debate, reported from Azerbaijan,<br />

is the lack of interest of the population in the information<br />

offered by the <strong>EITI</strong> as it does not recognize the “direct<br />

and positive links between the <strong>EITI</strong> and the living standards”,<br />

which makes it difficult to engage people in discussions<br />

or motivate them to disseminate information even on<br />

a local level (Wilson 2014: 26, referring to Ahmadov/Wilson<br />

2012). It can be noticed that in recent years the crack-down<br />

on civil society in the very case of Azerbaijan and an overall<br />

global shrinking of civic space in autocratic regimes and<br />

deficient democracies has led to the introduction of the<br />

<strong>EITI</strong> Civil Society Protocol in 2015, in order to safeguard<br />

NGOs and civil society participation in the <strong>EITI</strong>.<br />

NON-SPECIFICALLY ON THE <strong>EITI</strong>:<br />

In contexts, where freedom of expression and assembly is<br />

restricted, it may be even harder to engage the general public.<br />

Mildner/Lauster (2011: 100) refer to Shaxon (2009), who<br />

points out that “direct pressure can be counter-productive<br />

and rejected” particularly under politically fragile and autocratic<br />

framework conditions such as in Angola (which is<br />

not an <strong>EITI</strong> implementing country).<br />

``<br />

Limited evidence to which extent the <strong>EITI</strong> contributes<br />

to anti-corruption and improved public financial management.<br />

A number of anecdotal references and hints<br />

are offered.<br />

COVERING THE STANDARD 2013:<br />

The only study, which concretely focuses on the connection<br />

between transparency and corruption and provides<br />

evidence on that issue, is the one from Etter (2014), which<br />

is based on two in-depth case studies in Peru and Mali. The<br />

study indicates “a robust reduction of corruption in Peru,<br />

where corruption has been reduced by as much as 14 percentage<br />

points [perceived as a business obstacle by surveyed<br />

companies] since the introduction of the <strong>EITI</strong>, while<br />

no such effect [was] found in Mali.” Thereby, Etter ascribes<br />

this controversial finding to the differences of the countries’<br />

civil societies, whose functionality is regarded as an<br />

essential prerequisite for the effectiveness of the initiative<br />

in that regard.<br />

Bickham (2015), based on recent empirical findings from<br />

interviews and surveys with the industry, MSGs, implementing<br />

and supporting governments and further stakeholders,<br />

provides a rather scattered picture. In conclusion<br />

(p. 29ff), there is still room for improving the effectiveness<br />

of the initiative regarding its contribution to better public<br />

financial management, e.g. by intensified involvement<br />

of the industry or strengthening public administration capacities.<br />

Neumann (2014: 9) summarizes literature and documents<br />

on the basis of three country case studies from Nigeria, DRC<br />

and Sierra Leone. He finds that the <strong>EITI</strong> appears to be related<br />

to increasing governmental revenues through revealing<br />

discrepancies of tax payments. He however also states that<br />

the data does not allow conclusions about the contribution<br />

of the <strong>EITI</strong> to the developments in these countries, as they<br />

might be confounded or even vice-versa related.<br />

Furthermore, at least anecdotal references can be found in<br />

the <strong>EITI</strong> progress reports, which contain a number of examples<br />

that <strong>EITI</strong> reports have revealed cases of fraud and<br />

corruption as for instance in Nigeria (<strong>EITI</strong> 2014: 25; 2013:<br />

25, 32), Liberia (<strong>EITI</strong> 2014: 27; 2011: 14) or the DRC (2014:<br />

21).<br />

BEFORE THE STANDARD 2013:<br />

Using the example of Nigeria, the Scanteam 2011 (p. 12)<br />

report also rates the “lack of a systemic link between N<strong>EITI</strong><br />

activities and approaches to larger PFM [Public Finance

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