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BoundedRationality_TheAdaptiveToolbox.pdf

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88 Abdolkarim Sadrieh et al<br />

Most imaginable and practicable heuristics will not produce superior results,<br />

but even those fast and frugal heuristics that have been shown experimentally<br />

and/or theoretically to be successful and robust (see Gigerenzer, Todd, and<br />

Martignon, all this volume) can sometimes perform quite poorly. The recognition<br />

heuristic, for example, can lead to suboptimal results when it is used to support<br />

private savings decisions. A decision maker following the rule typically<br />

ends up holding a portfolio that contains too many assets closely correlated with<br />

the current source of income. Instead of diversifying the joint risk of income and<br />

savings (i.e., buying assets from diverse countries and industries), investors using<br />

the recognition heuristic buy assets of their own home region or even of their<br />

own company. This type of investment behavior is often referred to as the "home<br />

bias" (see, e.g., Kilka and Weber 1997).<br />

The question of the extent to which certain simple heuristics have been<br />

brought forth by the evolution of human beings is not yet well investigated. The<br />

"Follow the Expert" heuristic, for example, may have evolved from a "Follow<br />

the Leader" heuristic, which was adapted to hunting and gathering societies.<br />

Similarly, scenarios are conceivable that explain the evolution of the recognition<br />

heuristic, and thus, of the "home bias." However, at present, no coherent theory<br />

can account for the evolution of the heuristics used by human decision makers.<br />

This remains an important topic for future research.<br />

Finally, it is still largely unknown whether individuals have methods for testing<br />

how well their heuristics toolbox is working. The conjecture is that the<br />

greater the distance between one's own payoff and the payoff of one's peers, the<br />

more likely it is that the quality of the heuristic is recognized. Notice, however,<br />

that in benevolent but heterogeneous environments, superstitious heuristics can<br />

be learned in this way. For example, an individual occupying a position with a<br />

more favorable environment than his peers may repeatedly experience relative<br />

successes that are only spuriously correlated to the heuristics used (see also the<br />

discussion on social learning by Mellers et al., this volume).<br />

In summary, the evidence on the use of heuristics by human decision makers<br />

is quite impressive. The financial asset markets alone offer a multitude of examples<br />

about how decisions can be guided by heuristics. The evidence, however,<br />

on which heuristics are actually being used by decision makers in which situations<br />

is not yet very reliable.<br />

HOW DO THE RULES IN THE ADAPTIVE TOOLBOX<br />

RELATE TO OUR ENVIRONMENTAL ARTIFACTS?<br />

An artifact in the context of this section is taken to be a human-made object designed<br />

to help achieve a goal. Hence, artifacts are seen as entities devised to enhance<br />

human capabilities, including cognitive capabilities. This implies that<br />

artifacts enable human beings to use complicated decision processes. They can,<br />

in principle, help human decision makers use all available information in a

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