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Before you get alarmed, look at the 95% confidence

interval (the error bars on the chart). This

span of numbers reflects the statistical power of

the study, which depends on its size, length, and

design. In the case of the Women’s Health Initiative

study, the 95% confidence interval spans the

range from 0.90–1.29that is, from a 10% reduction

in cancer risk to a 29% increase in risk. The

study lacked the statistical power to distinguish

which number in that range represents the true

change in risk. A less technical way to say this is

that the trial results show that fiber might reduce

the risk of cancer by 10%, might increase cancer

risk by up to 29%, or might affect cancer risk by

a percentage anywhere between those two values.

The 95% confidence interval means that, in

principle, if you ran the study 100 times, then

you’d expect that, 95 times out of 100, the result

would fall within that range, and five times out of

100, the result would be outside the range. As

a general rule of thumb, if the confidence interval

includes 1.0, then the best interpretation is that

the comparative risk of the two groups is not

significantly different.

Unfortunately, this crucial point often gets lost

in mass media reports on medical research. The

statistics are so complicated to use and interpret

that even doctors themselves often misunderstand

the clinical implications (or lack thereof) of

a published study. In a landmark but controversial

2005 paper titled “Why Most Published Research

Findings Are False,” epidemiologist John Ioannidis

of Tufts University School of Medicine presented

mathematical arguments that the statistical and

experimental practices commonly used in epidemiological

research often produce misleading results.

Ioannidis concluded that, despite the use of

statistical tests like the 95% confidence interval,

more than half of all studies are likely to yield

incorrect results because of subtle flaws in their

statistical approaches. “For many current scientific

fields,” he wrote, “claimed research findings may

often be simply accurate measures of the prevailing

bias” of researchers in the field.

Even if that is too pessimistic a view, any

epidemiologist would agree that gathering strong

evidence in support of a dietary system is very

difficult. You need a very large, long-term, randomized,

controlled clinical trial, followed by a careful

statistical analysis of the results that factors out all

potential confounding variables. The process

works best for very dramatic results, such as the

link between smoking and lung cancer, that cannot

plausibly be explained by confounding factors. The

exact figures vary with gender and age, but smokers

have roughly 10 times (1,000%) the risk of lung

cancer that nonsmokers do.

Vitamin deficiencies produce similarly dramatic

effects, so they were conclusively identified long

ago. But science has now found most of those

dramatic effects. What remains unknown are the

links between diet and chronic diseases that have

far more intricate webs of contributory risk factors

and much subtler effects. Much larger numbers of

people are needed in trials that aim to uncover any

causal relationships among these factors.

How large is large enough to assure researchers

that the results are not due to chance or bias?

To estimate the right size, scientists must factor

in the prevalence of the condition under study

and the rate of new cases, the duration of the

study, the compliance rate of the volunteers, the

magnitude of biases and confounders, the

number of variables under study, and myriad

other considerations that affect the study’s

statistical power. There are no simple rules of

thumb, except that the rarer the condition, and

the smaller the effect you are looking for, the

larger the trial that you need.

To achieve proper statistical power, studying

dietary risk factors for even a relatively common

disease like heart disease requires a large trial that

costs as much as $250 million. That is why such

experimental evidence is so sparse in nutritional

epidemiology. To work around the cost and

complexity of running a single big trial, investigators

often pool data from many different studies

and use meta-analysis to approximate one large

study. This approach is not nearly as reliable as

a single large, well-designed, randomized trial. But

these are sometimes the best results that science is

able to produce.

TYPES OF NUTRITIONAL EPIDEMIOLOGY STUDIES

Ecological study

Case-control study

Each year, as the weather warms, newspapers roll out warnings

about alleged carcinogens (cancer-causing compounds)

in grilled meat and fish. Much of the concern revolves around

a set of chemicals called heterocyclic amines (HCAs), which

are produced by the Maillard reactions that cause seared

meat to brown. People get concerned about HCAs because

the U.S. National Toxicology Program says these chemicals

are “reasonably anticipated” to be carcinogens in humans.

The International Agency for Research on Cancer concurs.

When lab rats are fed high doses of these compounds, the

rats get more cancer than usual.

But does that mean the chemicals also cause cancer in

humans? Not necessarily. Many reports document that what

is true for rats or mice is not necessarily true for humans. And

a recent, very large prospective study that followed more than

120,000 women for eight years found no association between

breast cancer and red meat consumption or the way the red

meat was cooked. It is thus premature to declare that HCAs

are dangerous.

Several lines of evidence suggest that humans or our

ancestors adapted to eat cooked food, whereas lab rats and

their ancestors did not (see Origins of Cooking, page 6). It’s

Cohort, or

prospective, study

Kind observation observation observation intervention

Design

Strengths

Weaknesses

compares the nutrition and

health status of groups of

people at a particular time

good when data on

individuals are unavailable

or when differences between

individuals are small

results may not apply to

individuals; publication bias;

confounding effects

Weakest

C ONTR O V E RSIE S

Is Grilled Meat Bad for You?

compares people with

a disease (the cases)

to people without the

disease (the controls)

relatively quick and

inexpensive

sampling error; selection

bias; publication bias;

confounding effects;

observation bias; recall bias

tracks group members’

lifestyle and health status

over time, then looks for

correlations between diet

and disease

can eliminate recall bias

sampling error; selection

bias; publication bias;

confounding effects;

observation bias

Randomized clinical trial

assigns volunteers randomly to

an intervention group (that eats

a specified diet, for example) or

a control group (that carries on

as usual), then tracks subjects’

health

can reveal evidence of a causal

relationship between the

intervention and the outcome

sampling error; selection bias;

publication bias; confounding

effects; observation bias

Strongest

quite possible that we tolerate Maillard reaction products

better than rodents do—and even that some of the chemicals

are beneficial. Animal studies show, for example, that Maillard

products act as antioxidants and suppress the bacteria

responsible for peptic ulcers. And people seem to tolerate

breakfast cereal, crusty bread, and potato chips just fine,

even though those ubiquitous foods all get their toasted,

golden hue from Maillard reaction products such as acrylamide—which

also is “anticipated” to act as a carcinogen.

220 VOLUME 1 · HISTORY AND FUNDAMENTALS

FOOD AND HEALTH 221

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