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Review of anti-corruption strategies Rob McCusker - Australian ...

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It should be decided whether the focus should be placed upon the <strong>of</strong>fice or the <strong>of</strong>ficeholder. For example,<br />

providing training to <strong>of</strong>ficials to allow them to manage resources in legitimate and effective manner<br />

may simply provide them with transferable skills for a lucrative post outside the corrupt government<br />

department. Equally, a trained <strong>of</strong>ficial in an unresponsive and inherently corrupt department may have little<br />

opportunity to apply that training in a systematic <strong>anti</strong>-<strong>corruption</strong> effort.<br />

It is necessary to establish whether the focus <strong>of</strong> the <strong>anti</strong>-<strong>corruption</strong> strategy should be placed upon<br />

protecting state revenue through the enhancement <strong>of</strong> the integrity <strong>of</strong>, for example, the tax and customs<br />

agencies or upon investigating evidence <strong>of</strong> criminal activity such as corrupt contract negotiations. The<br />

former will assist in creating financial stability and the latter demonstrate the capacity and commitment <strong>of</strong><br />

the <strong>anti</strong>-<strong>corruption</strong> efforts.<br />

It must be ascertained whether the aim <strong>of</strong> the <strong>anti</strong>-<strong>corruption</strong> strategy is to seek retribution against<br />

malfeasance, or restitution. Aside from the moral case for and against each in the <strong>corruption</strong> context<br />

there remains an issue <strong>of</strong> practicality. The former requires an effective criminal justice system and the<br />

latter would require effective asset tracing and confiscation systems.<br />

An assessment should be undertaken <strong>of</strong> the relative benefits <strong>of</strong> targeting vulnerable departments or<br />

<strong>anti</strong>-<strong>corruption</strong> agencies in terms <strong>of</strong> achieving systematic <strong>anti</strong>-<strong>corruption</strong> reform. Risk assessments <strong>of</strong><br />

departments and their procedures may identify important <strong>corruption</strong> vulnerabilities and thereby direct and<br />

enhance <strong>anti</strong>-<strong>corruption</strong> efforts.<br />

An assessment should be made <strong>of</strong> donor coordination given that, although virtually all donors have<br />

policies on <strong>corruption</strong>, there is not necessarily an overarching process <strong>of</strong> coordination between donors.<br />

The lack <strong>of</strong> a strategy may result in a number <strong>of</strong> donors operating in a single country with wholly different<br />

aims and objectives, modes <strong>of</strong> operation and conceptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>corruption</strong>.<br />

It has been suggested that the targeting <strong>of</strong> the public sector through processes such as the redrafting<br />

and updating <strong>of</strong> legislation, enhancing the judiciary and ensuring the accountability <strong>of</strong> public service<br />

departments is, while both logical and laudable, time consuming, expensive and prone to relapse.<br />

Similarly, authorising externally appointed and funded agencies to engage with countries on <strong>corruption</strong><br />

issues may have negative impacts, given that such agencies will, without significant host country<br />

government support, possibly be doomed to short-term success and run the risk <strong>of</strong> creating an<br />

atmosphere <strong>of</strong> resentment (and subsequent non-cooperation) among the targeted sectors in that host<br />

country (Doig & Riley 1998).<br />

Other models advocate a comparison <strong>of</strong> the incidence <strong>of</strong> <strong>corruption</strong> and the quality <strong>of</strong> governance in order<br />

to determine the priorities any <strong>anti</strong>-<strong>corruption</strong> strategy should possess. The model in Table 5 assumes that<br />

countries with high <strong>corruption</strong> have a low quality <strong>of</strong> governance, those with medium <strong>corruption</strong> have fair<br />

governance and those with low <strong>corruption</strong> have good governance.<br />

Table 5: One size does not fit all<br />

Incidence <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>corruption</strong><br />

Quality <strong>of</strong><br />

governance Priorities <strong>of</strong> <strong>anti</strong><strong>corruption</strong> efforts<br />

High Poor Establish rule <strong>of</strong> law; strengthen institutions <strong>of</strong> participation and accountability; establish<br />

citizens’ charter; limit government intervention; implement economic policy reforms<br />

Medium Fair Decentralize and reform economic policies and public management and introduce<br />

accountability for results<br />

Low Good Establish <strong>anti</strong><strong>corruption</strong> agencies; strengthen financial accountability; raise public and<br />

<strong>of</strong>ficial awareness; <strong>anti</strong>-bribery pledges; conduct high-pr<strong>of</strong>ile prosecutions<br />

Source: Shah 2006: 14

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