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Chapter 18 Lexical Functions: Description of Lexical Relations in a ...

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—<strong>Chapter</strong> <strong>18</strong>. <strong>Lexical</strong> <strong>Functions</strong>— 59<br />

the <strong>in</strong>herent DSyntAs <strong>of</strong> L are all shifted, or permuted, with respect to the <strong>in</strong>itial SemAs. One can<br />

easily see this <strong>in</strong> the most trivial example <strong>of</strong> the regular causative construction <strong>in</strong> French, where<br />

the <strong>in</strong>herent DSyntA I becomes the DSyntA III <strong>of</strong> the causative verbal expression:<br />

(4) Jean [= I] mange la soupe [= II]<br />

John eats the soup<br />

vs.<br />

La mère [= I] fait manger la soupe [= II] à Jean [= III].<br />

The mother makes eat the soup to John<br />

The permutation <strong>of</strong> DSyntAs entailed by a causation LF is represented by means <strong>of</strong> the<br />

empty verbal LFs, i.e., the support verbs Oper i, Func i and Labor ij. (In other words, we use com-<br />

plex LFs <strong>of</strong> the type CausOper i, LiquFunc i, etc.) In order to show more clearly the systematic<br />

character <strong>of</strong> this permutation, I will analyze an example <strong>in</strong> detail: the French noun ENVIE (desire<br />

caused by a necessity). ENVIE has two DSyntAs: I is the Experiencer and II, the Object [<strong>of</strong> the<br />

desire], as <strong>in</strong> (5):<br />

(5) Pierre [I] a [Oper 1] ENVIE d’y aller [II].<br />

Peter has desire to go there<br />

Sentence (5) can be embedded <strong>in</strong> a causative expression, as, e.g., <strong>in</strong> (6):<br />

(6) a. Cette aventure a privé Pierre de l’ENVIE d’y aller.<br />

This adventure has deprived Peter <strong>of</strong> the desire to go there<br />

b. Cette aventure a ôté à Pierre l’ENVIE d’y aller.<br />

This adventure has taken from Peter the desire to go there<br />

These two sentences are equivalent <strong>in</strong> their propositional content, and the verbs PRIVER (deprive)<br />

et ÔTER (take from) are <strong>of</strong> course values <strong>of</strong> LFs <strong>of</strong> ENVIE. Now, what should be their symbolic<br />

description <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> LFs?<br />

Semantically, both verbs mean the same th<strong>in</strong>g: (cause the non-existence [<strong>of</strong> Peter’s desire to<br />

go there]); this mean<strong>in</strong>g has to be described by the LF Liqu.<br />

Syntactically, however, the two verbs differ by their government; to express this difference,<br />

we need the support verb LFs—Oper i, Func i or Labor ij. More precisely, priver Pierre de l’envie<br />

d’y aller is <strong>in</strong>terpreted as (cause that Peter has no more desire); s<strong>in</strong>ce a [= (has), AVOIR] is Oper 1<br />

<strong>of</strong> ENVIE, priver is written as LiquOper 1(envie). In its turn, ôter à Pierre l’envie d’y aller is<br />

<strong>in</strong>terpreted as (cause that the desire is no more with Peter); est à [= (is with), ÊTRE à] is Func 1 <strong>of</strong><br />

ENVIE, <strong>18</strong> so that ôter is written as LiquFunc 1(envie). Similarly, <strong>in</strong> the collocation plunge Susan<br />

<strong>in</strong>to a rage, the verb PLUNGE is CausOper 1(rage), while the verb OPEN <strong>in</strong> open a new perspective<br />

for him is CausFunc 1(perspective). Here are a few more examples:

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