Comparative Notes on Hurro-Urartian, Northern Caucasian
Comparative Notes on Hurro-Urartian, Northern Caucasian
Comparative Notes on Hurro-Urartian, Northern Caucasian
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in this Southern area. Am<strong>on</strong>g the forms discussed in this way Starostin also enumerates<br />
the <strong>Northern</strong> <strong>Caucasian</strong> and Indo-European terms for the horse. 179 There are several<br />
questi<strong>on</strong>s that should be discussed in c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> with this particular group of words.<br />
First, the borrowing of the name for horse (as for many other domestic animals)<br />
should be motivated by its domesticati<strong>on</strong>. Although distinguishing between the names<br />
for wild and domesticated horses is indeed not easy 180 , the fact of borrowing still points<br />
in this very directi<strong>on</strong> and helps c<strong>on</strong>nect linguistic and archaeological data. There is no<br />
reas<strong>on</strong> to borrow a name for a wild horse. But immediately after its domesticati<strong>on</strong> the<br />
name is borrowed together with the necessary technical knowledge. Archaeological<br />
data make it possible in the III mil. B.C., less probable in the IV mil. B.C., but no earlier<br />
(see the references above). In linguistic terms this means that the borrowing might<br />
have come through the dialects of the protolanguages which should have been<br />
dispersed by that time. But in that case Starostin’s main argument for the directi<strong>on</strong> of<br />
borrowing (from <strong>Northern</strong> <strong>Caucasian</strong> into Indo-European and not the other way) loses<br />
its force, since it applies to the bulk of the oldest borrowings and not to <strong>on</strong>e isolated<br />
loanword. For all of them Starostin notes the absence of a special subsystem of simpler<br />
ph<strong>on</strong>ological rules in <strong>Northern</strong> <strong>Caucasian</strong>. 181 No matter how valid this reas<strong>on</strong> for the<br />
bulk of the borrowings might be, it does not seem relevant for a name for horse if it<br />
were borrowed much later. In this case <strong>on</strong>e should take into c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong> the ph<strong>on</strong>etic<br />
corresp<strong>on</strong>dences. The fricative ÍÍ [s#] in the Hurrian name for horse and a<br />
corresp<strong>on</strong>ding affricate *Ç (> Í) in the forms of the other <strong>Northern</strong> <strong>Caucasian</strong> dialects<br />
corresp<strong>on</strong>d to a Proto-Indo-European palatal stop *´k which became an affricate *Ç and<br />
then a fricative Í/s in Indo-European dialects of the satPm type. The same<br />
corresp<strong>on</strong>dence is seen in the other borrowings discussed by Starostin. 182 If he is right<br />
and there was a system of regular corresp<strong>on</strong>dences in an ancient period, it might be<br />
that a <strong>Northern</strong> <strong>Caucasian</strong> affricate absent in Proto-Indo-European might have been<br />
179 Starostin 1985, 77, etymology 13; 1988, 114-115, etymology 2.<br />
180 Hamp 1990; Mallory 1996, 9.<br />
181 Starostin 1988, 153.<br />
182 Starostin 1985, 92, n.28; 1988, 145-148.