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Comparative Notes on Hurro-Urartian, Northern Caucasian

Comparative Notes on Hurro-Urartian, Northern Caucasian

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this identificati<strong>on</strong> is possible it might prove an equati<strong>on</strong> reminiscent of the parallel<br />

forms for the name of the divine rider (satPm Kak-as/yibow : centum xax-akbow):<br />

Anatolian -isbh = *-isswa- / Mycenaean -iqa- = *ik w a-.<br />

This can be seen as a c<strong>on</strong>firmati<strong>on</strong> of the hypothesis similar to the <strong>on</strong>e put forward<br />

by Starostin (<strong>on</strong> the equivalence of fricatives and palatals), but for much later c<strong>on</strong>tacts<br />

between the speakers of Greek and of an Anatolian satPm language with a reflecti<strong>on</strong> of<br />

c<strong>on</strong>s<strong>on</strong>ants of the Luwian type. Such equivalences lead to the irregular behavior of<br />

certain ph<strong>on</strong>emes.<br />

At the time when these c<strong>on</strong>tacts might have taken place the two groups of Indo-<br />

European dialects became split due to the centum/satPm divisi<strong>on</strong>: the Eastern Indo-<br />

European group lost Greek which, without becoming a satPm language, was separated<br />

from Indo-Iranian and Armenian by the Anatolians. At the same time in the Anatolian<br />

group Luwian-Lycian, becoming a satPm language, shifted to the west and to the south<br />

of Hittite and other centum dialects of <strong>Northern</strong> Anatolian. The Luwian-Lycian dialects<br />

became the neighbors of Greek in the northwestern part of Asia Minor. At that time<br />

satPm words may have been borrowed into centum dialects and caused such abnormal<br />

structures as that of the Greek word for horse, possibly being borrowed from a Pisidian<br />

form close to the Luwian <strong>on</strong>e. Southern Anatolian languages might have been a source<br />

of borrowing for the <strong>Northern</strong> <strong>Caucasian</strong> languages.<br />

z) Ph<strong>on</strong>etic difficulties in accounting for the intervocalic group of c<strong>on</strong>s<strong>on</strong>ants can be<br />

avoided if the centum (Hittite-Lydian-Palaic, that is “<strong>Northern</strong>” 292 ) Anatolian languages<br />

are suggested as a source. The Indo-European palatal was reflected before *u/w as a<br />

velar in initial positi<strong>on</strong> in the Lydian name for “dog” KandaÊlhw 293 and in a<br />

corresp<strong>on</strong>ding noun suggested in Hittite LÚ kuwan/kun-. 294 In Hittite the old voiceless<br />

ph<strong>on</strong>eme in intervocalic positi<strong>on</strong> should have been rendered by a double cuneiform<br />

izza- if really a syn<strong>on</strong>ym for iqija “vehicle” (Panagl 1985, 289-290 with an improbable ph<strong>on</strong>etic<br />

explanati<strong>on</strong> by an internal Greek development).<br />

292 Melchert 1994, with data <strong>on</strong> the development of palatals in each dialect.<br />

293 Ib., 359; Ivanov 1964: “dog-strangler (= killer)”.<br />

294 Melchert 1989.

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