Comparative Notes on Hurro-Urartian, Northern Caucasian

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An important innovation in this semantic field in Iranian languages is a general term for horseback riding: Avestan bar- “to ride horseback” 387 , Old Persian asa-bâra- “rider” 388 , Middle Persian Pahlavi asabârân “riders” 389 , Modern Persian suvar < asvâr, Eastern Iranian Khotanese Saka a≈≈a-bâra- “rider”, Sogdian b’r‘k “rider”, Yagnobi vóra “rider; horseback” 390 , Ossetic baraeg “rider”. In Shugni-Iazguliam and Ishkashim Pamirian languages a new name for horse is derived from this stem: *bâraka- > Shugni vorj “horse”, Iazguliam varâg, Ishkashim vPrôk “horse”, Sarykol vProk, vorak, Rushan vûrj “horse”, Ossetic bairag “foal”, cf. in Western Iranian Pahlavi bârak, Modern Persian bâragî “horse”. 391 In the ancient Alanic (Scythian) dialect the names Anbal (known in the XII c. A.D. from Old Russian chronicles) and Anpalan (attested in Old Alanic Zelenchuk inscriptions of the X-XII c. A.D.) derive from the same stem as does Modern Ossetic aem-bal “companion”, cf. also bal < *bâr-ya- “a group, detachment, gang < *detachment of riders”, balc “travel, trip; military excursion (in the 387 Bartholomae 1979, 936, meaning 8, n.14 (from *bhur- “to move quickly”, attested in this original function in Sanskrit). 388 Kossowicz 1872, 12; Bartholomae 1979, 219, add. 121 389 Perixanjan 1973, 440; 1983, 17. On the borrowing of Persian asbâr- in other medieval Iranian and Middle Indo-Aryan documents, see: Livshic 1969, 66, n.95 (with references); Steblin-Kamenskij 1981, 323; cf. Lukonin 1987, 242, n.48. 390 Andreev a.o. 1957, 346. The typical Yagnobi expression corresponds to the parts of the Old Iranian compound: asp‰ vóra “horseback” (ib., 15, N1, sentence 75; 101, N17, sentence 10; 139, N28, sentence 29; 144, N28, sentences 68 and 77; 154, N31, sentence 32; 193, N43, sentence 15; 196, N44, sentence 10 a.o.). The phrase vóra vunáy-t vóra vu “you sit down on what you are going to sit” is used as a euphemism when the name of a horse is avoided (ib., 346); cf. in the Yagnobi secret language rËbÇdËyma “horse = broomtail” (in a folk narrative: rËbÇdËymóte rítis pártowt “throw him to the horses”, ib., 315 with parallel names for animals in the other Pamirian languages), the Tadzhik (Persian)-Yagnobi secret name for the horse dym-zîr “horse = tail-broom” (Xromov 1972, 167, without interpretation); although the order of the elements is different, the Iranian word for tail is present in both the “secret” (taboo) compounds, cf. the combination of this noun (Yagnobi dËym, dum, Sogdian dwnph = *dumb “tail”, dwnp’k = *dumbâk “having a tail”, Benveniste 1929, 94) with the name for horse in a number of stories: Andreev a.o. 1957, 88, N 10, sentence 26 (ásp‰ dúmesint), 94, N 14, sentence 43 (áspt‰ dúm‰), 189, N 41, sentence 71; 206, N 44, sentence 65 (aspP dúym‰s). 391 Morgenstierne 1974, 85-86; Abaev 1958, I, 232, 237; Sokolova 1953, 202, Yazguliam text 1, sentence 27; 1973, 13; Andreev a.o. 1957, 346.
traditional folk epics)” < *bâr-ti, bal-xon “leader”. 392 As Nikolayev and Starostin have suggested, Alanic (Scythian) *bal-ti- was borrowed into Lak (burt:ij “on horseback”, burt:ijhu “rider”, Proto-Darwa *murta: “rider” > Akushi dialect murda, Chirag dialect mart:a). It is also supposed that the name for horse in Avar-Andi (*bar-ti > Avar bárti “stallion”), Lak (balÇan “horse”), Darwa (cf. Akushi bartken “deer” with a semantic shift) and Lezghian (balkan “horse”) are old loanwords from Alanic, as are Chechen bêrî, Ingush bäri “a fine guy, dependable horseman”. 393 This etymology suggests that horseback riding (probably of a more sophisticated kind) was introduced into the Caucasus by Alanic invaders, as was at least one type of wheeled vehicle. The term for this type of transport had been an Iranian innovation. Corresponding Indo-Aryan words with the meaning “horseman, rider, groom” were borrowed from Middle Iranian into Indo-Aryan at a relatively late period: Prakrit âsa-vâra-; Lahndâ haswâr, Pânjâbi, Gujarâtî, Marâ†hî asvâr, Hindi and Kumauni aswâr, Oriyâ asuâra, Old Mârwâr=î asavâra. Some of them were changed in a sort of accommodation to Indo-Aryan forms: Sanskrit a≈vavâra- “horseman, groom” (first attested in the Íi≈upâlavadha); Niya Kharoshti Prakrit a≈pa-vara-, Kashmiri a≈Øwâr. 394 Only some Indo-Aryan dialects have a trace of another compound derived from the combination of the Indo-Aryan term for horse with the term for rider (Prakrit and Pali ârôha, cf. Niya Kharoshthi Prakrit 392 Abaev unpublished, 42, 57, 262, 266; 1958, I, 135, 232-234. 393 Abaev 1958, I, 237; Nikolayev and Starostin 1994, 285. Alan-Chechen connections were first studied by Abaev in his important work of the early 1950’s, prohibited by official censorship and never published: Abaev unpublished. Among other words, Abaev suggested that Ossetic rox “bridle, reins” was borrowed into Chechen urx (Plural arxaÍ), Ingush urx: Abaev 1973, III, 422. Nikolayev and Starostin (1994, 234-235) suggest a proto-Northern Caucasian stem * ? xwîrî “bridle, reins” (see above on a problematic link to the Urartian term). In that case this Ossetic word (probably as was an enigmatic folkloric name for a precious bridle xaerx, Abaev 1979, IV, 182; 1958, I, 193, see as a Dargwa parallel Urakhi hurhur “bridle”) was borrowed from Nakh (or another Northeastern Caucasian language), as was Ossetic baex “horse”: it comes from Nakh *baqe “foal” > Chechen beqa, Ingush baq: Abaev 1958, 256; Nikolayev and Starostin 1994, 1049. 394 Turner 1989, 41, N926.
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Comparative Notes on Hurro-Urartian, Northern Caucasian

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