Comparative Notes on Hurro-Urartian, Northern Caucasian
Comparative Notes on Hurro-Urartian, Northern Caucasian
Comparative Notes on Hurro-Urartian, Northern Caucasian
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delabializati<strong>on</strong>) make it possible to rec<strong>on</strong>struct *hik w k w o- “horse”, which has three<br />
ph<strong>on</strong>etic features different from the rest of Indo-European and defies the normal laws<br />
of Greek development 276 : 1) initial *h- (absent in the dialectal variant and in some<br />
composite proper names with this sec<strong>on</strong>d element 277 which sets some scholars thinking<br />
about the relatively late—probably post-Mycenean?—age of this initial); 2) vowel i in<br />
the root; 3) geminati<strong>on</strong> of intervocalic labiovelars (or simple velars in the dialectal<br />
variant). These abnormal features make it clear that the word does not bel<strong>on</strong>g to the<br />
ordinary vocabulary. There are several possible explanati<strong>on</strong>s:<br />
a) One can suppose that the Greek word c<strong>on</strong>tinues an unusual Indo-European<br />
prototype <strong>on</strong>ly distantly related to the general Indo-European name. To account for the<br />
Greek form within the parameters of the ph<strong>on</strong>emic rules, it is necessary to suggest an<br />
*s- mobile followed by a schwa indogermanicum secundum (Güntert's * e ); <strong>on</strong>e can then<br />
suggest the expressive geminati<strong>on</strong> of *k w like that found in the Homeric Dual ˆsse<br />
“two eyes” and Present ˆssomai 278 “to see, to forbode, give to foresee” (from the<br />
Indo-European root *(s)ok w - “eye”, “to see”, but some irregular forms have led to the<br />
assumpti<strong>on</strong> of a ph<strong>on</strong>eme like *k s at the end of this root 279 ). In that case, an Indo-<br />
European protoform *s e k w k w o- “horse” 280 is rec<strong>on</strong>structed which can be c<strong>on</strong>sidered<br />
related to e´kwo- > ek w o- in its dialectal Western Indo-European centum form discussed<br />
above. Yet such a form does not fit the usual rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong>: the s- mobile is not<br />
c<strong>on</strong>firmed by cognate forms in the other Indo-European dialects (but see below <strong>on</strong><br />
276 Lejeune 1972, 83, n.1; 190, n.2; 280, n.1. Cf. Chantraine 1973, 334; 1979, 2; Panagl 1985, 283; see the<br />
discussi<strong>on</strong> in Adams, Mallory, and Miller 1997, 274. It seems possible to suggest a correlati<strong>on</strong> between<br />
these linguistic data and the unexpectedly late time of the appearance of the horse in c<strong>on</strong>tinental<br />
Greece (<strong>on</strong> the latter, see the remark by Mallory 1997a, 68-69, where the possibility of the relatively<br />
late arrival of the Indo-European Greeks to Greece, as suggested by Gamkrelidze and Ivanov 1984/1995<br />
I as well as by Carruba, is not taken into account).<br />
277 As B. Vine has pointed out to me, the h- is absent in initial positi<strong>on</strong> as well in fippom°neow in an<br />
inscripti<strong>on</strong> from Asia Minor which otherwise does not drop h-. See Blümel 1993, 32.<br />
278 Lejeune, ib., 46.<br />
279 Chantraine 1990, 813. The important difference from the name for horse c<strong>on</strong>sists in the following *-ywhich<br />
may explain the development of *okw-. 280 Cf. a similar protoform rec<strong>on</strong>structed by Goetze in an attempt to rec<strong>on</strong>cile forms of different families:<br />
Goetze 1962, 35; Gamkrelidze and Ivanov 1984/1995, 478, n.21. The first to propose an old form *sesqw- ><br />
sêqw- was Marr 1922; 1933, 142-143, but as usual his brilliant idea is lost am<strong>on</strong>g a number of absolutely<br />
fantastic suggesti<strong>on</strong>s.