Journal - Comune di Monteleone di Spoleto
Journal - Comune di Monteleone di Spoleto
Journal - Comune di Monteleone di Spoleto
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
38<br />
century B.C. it seems that the stories of achilles (and<br />
Theseus) represent a para<strong>di</strong>gm of legitimate aspiration to<br />
royal investiture for these central italic princelings, while<br />
the stories of Herakles show the tyrant’s attainment of personal<br />
power, as with Peisistratus in athens. 48 if this is so, two<br />
<strong>di</strong>stinct groups of etruscan-italic parade chariots with figural<br />
scenes should be identified on the basis of the type of scene<br />
depicted: The first group includes the vehicle from To<strong>di</strong>,<br />
which is decorated with the stories of both achilles and<br />
Theseus, and the monteleone chariot, which depicts stories<br />
of achilles. 49 The second group comprises the two chariots<br />
from Castel San mariano near Perugia. one of the Castel<br />
San mariano chariots shows the amazonomachy of Herakles<br />
on the single large bronze panel enveloping the car; 50 the<br />
other <strong>di</strong>splays the introduction of Herakles into olympus on<br />
one of the side panels, in a depiction unrelated to the main<br />
scene on the central panel, which some suggest is connected<br />
with the achilles saga “the genealogical antecedent<br />
of the ‘nuptial rape’ of Thetis by Peleus.” 51 if, in fact, there<br />
was a <strong>di</strong>stinction between the roles played by such heroes<br />
in the archaic ideology of power, then this symbolic meaning<br />
has also to be acknowledged in parade chariots, which,<br />
like the terracotta friezes, manifested the owner’s eminent<br />
position within the family, or society, or both. it seems strange<br />
to find the model of hero as tyrant at Castel San mariano, as<br />
this isolated tomb containing chariots (perhaps a total of<br />
four spread over two generations) and other splen<strong>di</strong>d<br />
bronzes belonged to an aristocratic family. 52 For half a century,<br />
from about 560 to 510 B.C., this clan controlled — from<br />
an aristocratic residence, not a city — the trade routes and<br />
commerce between the Valle del Chiana and Chiusi before<br />
a process of consolidation (synoikismos) led to the creation<br />
of the nearby city of Perugia. 53 in my opinion, the symbolic<br />
significance of the bronze panels of the Castel San mariano<br />
chariots, more than the modest works from To<strong>di</strong>, was fully<br />
appreciated only by the persons who commissioned the<br />
chariots in the significant etruscan centers. 54 The principes<br />
who owned them <strong>di</strong>d not identify themselves with Herakles<br />
rather than Theseus or achilles; all three heroes satisfied<br />
these princes’ desire to assimilate their life histories to that<br />
of a Greek hero, accor<strong>di</strong>ng to the aristocratic model in<br />
vogue at the time in the outlying centers, where power and<br />
prestige were expressed by the accumulation of wealth. 55<br />
While chariots’ iconography underlines their use in<br />
sixth-century society, the custom of burying them with the<br />
deceased <strong>di</strong>ed out in the metropoleis of central Tyrrhenian<br />
italy. 56 This development, which was obviously linked to<br />
changes in funerary customs, does not mean that the twowheeled<br />
vehicle — chariot or cart — was no longer used as<br />
a means of transportation in daily life by high-ranking persons.<br />
57 The sixth-century parade chariots from the Via appia<br />
antica (three miles outside rome), Castro (twelve miles<br />
from Vulci), Castel San mariano (six miles from Perugia),<br />
and To<strong>di</strong>, and surely also the Barsanti chariot said to be<br />
from central italy, all come from strategically situated places<br />
in areas outside of (or prece<strong>di</strong>ng the formation of) major<br />
urban centers, or from <strong>di</strong>stricts such as Valnerina, where<br />
the monteleone chariot comes from (see Section i.C), that<br />
had never been urbanized before the romans. in these very<br />
areas the custom of burying the deceased owners with other<br />
kinds of vehicles continued, whether the vehicles were comparable<br />
to war chariots, that is, able to travel at a fast pace,<br />
or to carts used for various purposes, inclu<strong>di</strong>ng ceremonies.<br />
examples are the finds from annifo at Foligno and Gubbio<br />
in the province of Perugia in east central umbria, 58 Tomb 36<br />
of the eretum necropolis in Sabina Tiberina, 59 Pitigliano in<br />
southern Tuscany, and San Giovenale in southern etruria. 60<br />
The custom of burying fast chariots and carts continued<br />
elsewhere, but in areas that were not urbanized until the<br />
roman conquest, such as Piceno, lucania, and daunia. 61<br />
The recent <strong>di</strong>scovery at orvieto of the bronze revetment of a<br />
parade chariot inside a sanctuary, not in a funerary context,<br />
is noteworthy and confirms that in a sixth-century etruscan<br />
metropolis such vehicles were no longer buried in tombs,<br />
although they were still being built and used by the living. 62<br />
i must emphasize that none of the sixth-century parade<br />
chariots found in italy, whether contemporary with the<br />
monteleone vehicle or later, with or without scenes expressing<br />
aristocratic prestige, possesses as complex and coherent<br />
a figural program as the one created by the master of the<br />
monteleone Chariot. The cultural background of this craftsman<br />
will be elucidated in Section iii. The identity of the<br />
person who commissioned the chariot will be <strong>di</strong>scussed<br />
separately in Section iii, because there is reason to believe<br />
that he was not the person who was buried in the tomb with<br />
the vehicle.