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Research 350 - NZ Transport Agency

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4. APPROACHES TO ASSESSING REGIONAL ECONOMIC AND OTHER DISTRIBUTIONAL EFFECTS<br />

Though not explicitly pointed out by ECTM, it should be noted that these impacts might<br />

occur within a defined region or more broadly across several regions, and that much depends<br />

on how a ‘region’ is defined. For example, to the extent that jobseekers in one region access<br />

‘more distant jobs’ located in another region, new transport links may result in somewhat<br />

ambiguous outcomes, a point taken up below.<br />

A related problem, both with the available literature and regional development scheme<br />

objectives themselves, is that little clear distinction is often made between investment aimed<br />

at improving links investment within a given (typically disadvantaged) region and that aimed<br />

at improving links between such regions and others. The two can be blurred in reality (e.g. a<br />

new freeway link which serves regional towns and connects to main centres outside the area).<br />

However, a clearer initial distinction may help to hone in on specific issues such as the ‘two<br />

way road problem’ (discussed below) connected with the latter of these effects.<br />

Whether theory is involved or not, regional development themes have found particular<br />

resonance within the EU with a focus on investment in the infrastructure of disadvantaged<br />

regions and promotion of the Trans-European <strong>Transport</strong> Network (TEN) as an instrument of<br />

EU policy. The TEN projects are intended to improve competitiveness, income, output and<br />

employment within the EU as a whole by providing peripheral regions of the EU with better<br />

access to economic centres. This may also foster the (non-economic) goal of improved social<br />

cohesion. On the local (and national) levels the improved accessibility offered by transport<br />

projects is seen as an aid to reducing regional disparities in terms of employment, income<br />

and wealth and fostering social cohesion (van Excel, Rienstra, Gommers, Pearman &<br />

Tsamboulas 2002).<br />

Examples of similar thinking on a smaller scale are common. Brown, Copeland & Co. Ltd<br />

(2004) suggest that the attraction or retention of freight and passengers through Centre Port<br />

and Wellington International Airport could be economic benefits arising from the<br />

Transmission Gully project. Mees (2001) cites common perceptions that Melbourne’s Western<br />

Ring Road will promote economic growth in Melbourne’s Western Suburbs.<br />

SACTRA also pointed to many such claims, noting arguments that improved transport links<br />

can overcome investor perceptions of distance, peripherality and disadvantage (SACTRA<br />

1999, para. 2.33).<br />

Thus, the Welsh Economy <strong>Research</strong> Unit (1997) argued that improved local road access was<br />

an important issue in influencing the location decisions of recent investors and provided for<br />

new income and employment opportunities in the region. The Black Country Development<br />

Corporation (1997) indicated that direct access to 3 million square feet of<br />

industrial/commercial floor space provided by the Black Country Spine Road was critical to its<br />

program of regenerating derelict land (SACTRA 1999, paras. 2.34, 2.36). Other submissions<br />

pointed to the potential positive local effects of providing for direct Channel Tunnel services<br />

to the north of England and to Scotland and for providing a motorway link further into<br />

England’s south-west in order to overcome perceptions of distance from key markets<br />

(SACTRA 1999, para. 2.33).<br />

In practice, the provision of improved transport links may have more ambiguous outcomes.<br />

on both regional and national economies. A variety of case studies, drawn from the literature<br />

and cited by Banister and Berechman (2000a) and SACTRA (1999) is documented below:<br />

81

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