Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS
Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS
Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS
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cont<strong>in</strong>uations chosen after exclusive sentences was significantly different from the distribution<br />
of cont<strong>in</strong>uation chosen after c’est-clefts (χ 2 (2) = 311.9, p < .001). Differences between clefts<br />
<strong>and</strong> canonical sentences are also relevant, although obviously much smaller: (χ 2 (2) = 20.81, p<br />
< .001).<br />
Figure 2. Distribution of cont<strong>in</strong>uations by sentence form<br />
I conclude that the predictions made are confirmed by this experiment, <strong>and</strong> hence, the<br />
assumption that c’est-clefts do not contribute at issue exhaustivity is confirmed. Instead, the<br />
<strong>in</strong>ference is triggered by the not at-issue content of the cleft.<br />
4. Cleft’s usage: produc<strong>in</strong>g the c’est-cleft<br />
4.1. Introduction<br />
If one looks at the literature on French focus mark<strong>in</strong>g, it is almost conventional to f<strong>in</strong>d that<br />
French marks focus via syntactic means. Compared to other Romance languages (Dufter 2009)<br />
or to English, French is often assumed to require special syntactic constructions to mark focus,<br />
<strong>and</strong> seems to be known as the ‘black sheep’ for not hav<strong>in</strong>g a flexible prosody. Yet, <strong>in</strong> the past<br />
ten years, much work has been done on the prosodic mark<strong>in</strong>gs of <strong>in</strong>formation structure <strong>in</strong><br />
French, especially the characteristics of the prosodic realization of focus (Beyssade et al, 2011;<br />
Féry 2001; Sun-Ah & Fougeron 2000). But no clear consensus on the <strong>in</strong>teraction of prosody<br />
<strong>and</strong> syntax is reached. Scholars depart from considerably differ<strong>in</strong>g assumptions regard<strong>in</strong>g the<br />
acceptability of a sentence form given a certa<strong>in</strong> context; syntacticians predict<strong>in</strong>g movement of<br />
the presupposed material <strong>in</strong> a relative clause while most phonologists assume a narrowly<br />
focused XP can be realized via prosody <strong>in</strong> situ.<br />
4.2. Experiment 2<br />
The semi-spontaneous data analyzed <strong>in</strong> this section stem from an elicited production task,<br />
which constitutes a replication from Gabriel 2010. 5 The experiment presented here constitutes a<br />
pilot <strong>and</strong> is currently be<strong>in</strong>g conducted on a larger scale. It contributes to the experimental trend<br />
happen<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the l<strong>in</strong>guistic field by test<strong>in</strong>g the realization of particular grammatical types of<br />
focus <strong>in</strong> two different contexts. While the majority of previous French experimental studies use<br />
written material to elicit data, the present experiment is a semi-spontaneous production task<br />
5<br />
Gabriel (2010) conducted a production experiment <strong>in</strong> two varieties of Argent<strong>in</strong>ian Spanish, which<br />
exam<strong>in</strong>ed the <strong>in</strong>teraction of syntax <strong>and</strong> prosody <strong>in</strong> the mark<strong>in</strong>g of narrow focus subjects, objects, <strong>and</strong> double<br />
objects.<br />
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