Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS

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6. Conclusion This paper shows that Ternois exhibits probably the most radical set of DCC described so far, reminiscent of what happens in some southern Italian dialects: the DCC occurs with all kinds of left-peripheral XPs, and generalizes to (almost) all clauses headed by que, that is all embedded tensed clauses, including embedded WH-clauses, which in Ternois admit doubly filled complementizers. Conversely, it occurs only in clauses headed by que: it does not take place when an XP is preposed in main clauses or in infinitive clauses. Unlike Iberic recomplementation, it clearly cannot be captured by a topic head analysis. On the contrary, the assumption that que2 is in Fin and that que1 and que2 are two spelled out copies of the same item moved from Fin to Force to check, respectively, Tense and Subordination features, accounts for all of its properties. Moreover, this proposal is in line with what has been proposed for other dialectal cases of syntactic doubling, which it extends to head movement, introducing a parameter as to which kind of movement may give way to multiple spelled-out copies in a given set of dialects, and which copies can be spelled out. It thus offers a way to replace the variation affecting DCC in a broader typology of doubling phenomena and to account for its optionality across speakers and dialects. Extending Sportiche’s (2011) analysis of qui to Ternois, and assuming Pesetsky and Torrego’s (2001) view of nominative and head movement, it also captures the puzzling absence of DCC displayed by qui-relatives and by embedded clauses with a non-doubled DP subject: in both cases, the nominative item moves to SpecFinP in order to check Tense, hindering queinsertion in the lower position; the two cases differ, though, in that, since DP subjects cannot check [+sub] in Force, the higher que is inserted, while in relatives qui moves on to check it: as a consequence, no que occurs at all in qui-relatives. If this approach is correct, it adds ground to the necessity of head movement in the grammar, and may contribute to the debate on the proper way to account for it. The question whether this analysis may be extended to more constrained cases of DCC in other languages and if, for instance, Spanish recomplementation is a different phenomenon remains open. References Auger, Julie. 2003. Le redoublement des sujets en picard. Journal of French Language Studies 13. 381–404. Brovetto, Claudia. 2002. Spanish clauses without complementizer. Current issues in Romance languages: Selected proceedings from the 29th linguistic symposium on Romance languages (LSRL-29), ed. by Teresa Satterfield, Christina Tortora, and Diana Cresti, 33–46. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Barbiers, Sjef; Olaf Koeneman; and Marika Lekakou. 2008a. Syntactic doubling and the structure of chains. Proceedings of the 26th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, ed. by Charles B. Chang and Hannah J. Haynie, 78–86. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. Barbiers, Sjef; Olaf Koeneman; Marika Lekakou; and Margreet van der Ham (eds.) 2008b. Microvariations in syntactic doubling. (Syntax and Semantics 36). Bingley: Emerald. Benincà, Paola, and Cecilia Poletto. 2004. Topic, focus and V2: Defining the CP sublayers. The structure of CP and IP. (The cartography of syntactic structures, vol. 2), ed. by Luigi Rizzi, 52– 75. New York: Oxford University Press. Cinque, Guillermo. 1990. Types of A’-dependancies. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Citko, Barbara. 2008. Missing labels: Head movement as Project Both. Proceedings of the 26th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, ed. by Charles B. Chang and Hannah J. Haynie, 121– 128. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. be sometimes doubled in Ternois, and some subject clitics in direct yes/no-questions. 92
Dagnac, Anne. 2011a. Les interrogatives picardes et le typage des questions en dialecte ternois. Actes du 36ème congrès international de philologie et linguistique romanes, Valencia, septembre 2010. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, to appear. Dagnac, Anne. 2011b. Generalized C-doubling in an Oïl dialect, subjects, and the nature of ‘que2’. Paper presented at the Edisyn workshop, June 25, 2011, Amsterdam. Dagnac, Anne. 2012. Interrogatives et relatives en picard. Toulouse: Université de Toulouse 2, Ms. Demonte, Violeta, and Olga Fernandez-Soriano. 2007. La periferia izquierda oracional y los complementantes del español. Vernetzungen: Kognition, Bedeutung, (kontrastive) Pragmatik, ed. by Juan Cuartero and Martine Emsel, 133–147. Frankfurt: Peter Lang. Edmont, Edmond. 1902. Quatre légendes du pays de Saint-Pol. Kessinger Publishing’s Reprint. Edmont, Edmond; and Jules Gilliéron. 1902–1910. Atlas linguistique de la France. Paris: Champion. Edmont, Edmond. 1911. A l’buée: Scène populaire Saint-Poloise. Paris : Champion. Fontana, Josep M. 1993. Phrase structure and the syntax of clitics in the history of Spanish. PhD Thesis. Online: http://repository.upenn.edu/ircs_reports/183/. Hoeskstra, Eric. 1993. Dialectal variation inside CP as parametric variation. Dialektsyntax (Linguistische Berichte, Sonderheft 5), ed. by Werner Abraham and Josef. Bayer 161–179. Opladen: WestdeutscherVerlag. Kayne, Richard. 1976. French relative ‘que’ Current studies in Romance linguistics, ed. by Marta Luján and Frederick Hensey, 255–299. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. Laflutte, André. 1981. Les ‘coeurs’ d’Arras. Arras: Le Préau des livres. Ledgeway, Adam. 2005. Moving through the left-periphery: the dual complementiser system in the dialects of Southern Italy. Transactions of the Philological Society, 103.339–396. Ledgeway, Adam; and Roberta D’Alessandro. 2010. At the C-T boundary: Investigating Abruzzese complementation. Lingua 120.2040–2060. Lemaire, Léon. 1947. Racontaches d’un boïeu rouche. Arras: Imprimerie Centrale de l’Artois. Lemaire, Léon. 1945. Eclats … d’patois. Online: http://www.u-picardie.fr/LESCLaP/PICARTEXT/Public/index.php. López, Luis. 2009. Ranking the linear correspondence axiom. Linguistic Inquiry 40.239–276. McCloskey, James. 2006. Questions and questioning in a local English. Crosslinguistic research in syntax and semantics, Vol. 2004, ed. by Rafaela Zanuttini, 87–123. Georgetown University Press. Mascarenhas, Salvador. 2007. Complementizer doubling in European Portuguese. Ms. Online: http://homepages.nyu.edu/~sdm330/. Mille, Robert. 1988. Min villach’ la Buissiere. Poèmes en patois de Robert Mille. Online: http://www.u-picardie.fr/LESCLaP/PICARTEXT/Public/index.php. Paoli, Sandra. 2007. The fine structure of the left periphery: COMPs and subjects; evidence from Romance. Lingua 117.1057–1079. Pesetsky, David; and Esther Torrego. 2001. T-to-C: Causes and consequences. Ken Hale: a life in Language, ed. by Michael Kenstowicz. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Online: http://web.mit.edu/linguistics/www/pesetsky/Torrego–Pesetsky.pdf. Podevin, Alain. 1986. Dins l’carnichotte éd min cœur. Bibliothèque Municipale d’Amiens. Poletto, Cecilia. 2000. The higher functional field. Evidence from Northern Italian dialects. New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press. Rizzi, Luigi. 1997. The fine structure of the left periphery. Elements of grammar, ed. by Liliane Haegeman, 281–337. Dordrecht: Kluwers. Sportiche, Dominique. 2011. French relative ‘Qui’. Linguistic Inquiry 42.83–124. Uriagereka, Juan. 1995. An F position in Western Romance. Discourse configurational languages, ed. by Katalin E. Kiss, 153–175. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Villa-García, Julio. 2010. Recomplementation and locality of movement in Spanish. University of Connecticut. Ms. Wanner Dieter. 1995. Les subordonnées à double complémentateur en roman médiéval. Atti del XXI Congresso Internazionale di Linguistica e Filologia Romanza (18–24 settembre 1995), sezione 1, ed. by Giovanni Ruffino, 421–433. Tübingen: Niemeyer. 93
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EISS 9 Empirical Issues in Syntax a
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Contents Preface v Valentina Bianch
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Preface The ninth volume of the ser
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contexts; we provide experimental e
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which we included random intercepts
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• Locality condition: The proposi
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[[(1B′)]] f = {invite(john, x) |
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focus projection, and require that
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The term ‘root clause’ was intr
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pared the degree of metrical promin
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Focus in situ + negative tag Focus
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Horvath, Julia. 2010. “Discourse-
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languages: Hungarian (H) and Romani
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attach-wh usually licenses a single
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on’ requires an overt preposition
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of syntactic priming: the stricter
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(43) Nu văd cum și, mai important
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for certain values to be identical
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ing the CNJ-LST proposed for coordi
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oth of these cases, as well as the
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References Abeillé, Anne. 2005. Le
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the addressee by virtue of linguist
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dressee is enticed by the imperativ
Page 48 and 49: some way. She notes that it is not
Page 50 and 51: . A: Give me an aspirin! B: # I don
Page 52 and 53: Effective preference structures can
Page 54 and 55: the content gets realized (i.e. he
Page 56 and 57: to the principle in (39), which aim
Page 58 and 59: Kaufmann follows the second strateg
Page 60 and 61: 5. Portner 2005, 2007: a dedicated
Page 62 and 63: to realize the imperative once he a
Page 64 and 65: epresentation and defeasible reason
Page 66 and 67: equative reading can be paraphrased
Page 68 and 69: ‘the greatest French soldier’ t
Page 70 and 71: 2.4. Plurals 2.4.1. Plural definite
Page 72 and 73: group of people constituting the on
Page 74 and 75: 3. A(n) sole/*only The solution to
Page 76 and 77: ichest i : richest ii :: only : sol
Page 78 and 79: In the case of a singular definite
Page 80 and 81: The lexical entries we have given f
Page 82 and 83: Strawson, P. F. 1950. On referring.
Page 84 and 85: In this paper, I show that a dialec
Page 86 and 87: (3) […] argretter, qu’dins ch
Page 88 and 89: 2.3. Are there any restrictions on
Page 90 and 91: stand to the right of que2, which,
Page 92 and 93: heads FinP (Bovetto 2002, López 20
Page 94 and 95: (24) a. j’prétinds qu’à l’h
Page 96 and 97: . *T’as raison Colas, faut tacher
Page 100 and 101: Appendix Frequency of DCC for embed
Page 102 and 103: In this paper, I provide empirical
Page 104 and 105: subjects are realized in a cleft to
Page 106 and 107: problem with the examples in (11),
Page 108 and 109: continuations chosen after exclusiv
Page 110 and 111: The questions were of two forms: ei
Page 112 and 113: quantified lexical subject any elem
Page 114 and 115: QUD:Qui a corrigé les copies? SF S
Page 116 and 117: Finally, the ranking proposed, with
Page 118 and 119: Onea, Edgar, and David Beaver. 2011
Page 120 and 121: semantics of these constructions ha
Page 122 and 123: filter. A quantifier like two sailo
Page 124 and 125: are not principal filters, can be c
Page 126 and 127: (22) monotone increasing NPs like a
Page 128 and 129: the equation of the formulas in (27
Page 130 and 131: presuppose the non-emptiness of the
Page 132 and 133: tune with the well-known observatio
Page 134 and 135: Keenan, Edward. 1996. The semantics
Page 136 and 137: (2) Paul veut que nous {soyons SUBJ
Page 138 and 139: (8) Le professeur subodore que les
Page 140 and 141: • verbs describing a course of ac
Page 142 and 143: The semantico-pragmatic condition h
Page 144 and 145: force is stronger than that of the
Page 146 and 147: dire (‘say’) or suggérer (‘s
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However, it must be stressed that t
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If it is the case that those moves
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certain environments. Again, the re
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Gross, Maurice. 1978. Correspondanc
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Semantically, the difference betwee
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(14) a. Descriptive meaning of (13)
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What is crucial here is that the en
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(30) a. Heute steigt sau die coole
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In the following, we will give a te
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These contrasts in their syntactic
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(50) [ QP je- [ DP der [ NP Student
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degree expression out of a seemingl
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969264437.pdf. Koopman, Hilda, and
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semantic representation and computa
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NP [AGR=[PERS=3,NUM=sing]] John S N
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Class CanSubj S Class DirObj VP Cla
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a. ⎡ ⎤ causation [ ] activity C
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lexical meaning PO pattern DO patte
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⎡ ⎤ a. S causation [ ] NP [I= 1
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Class VSpine syntactic dimension VP
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sends ⎡ ⎤ causation EFFECTOR 8
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Crabbé, Benoit. 2005. Grammatical
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Claim 2. Semantic composition of ve
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(7) yo-k2nol-ú 3Z/N.SG.PAT-rain-ST
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inanimate are not selected by verba
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in (25), or from transitive to intr
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(26) a. ⎡ ⎤ English-transitive-
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Abstracting away from the particula
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As shown by the statement of the no
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(36) Áhs2 ni-ka-nláht-a-ke 2-té-
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coincident and dualic prefixes, mea
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aises, of course, the question of w
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A finer look at predicate decomposi
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kill is compatible with wide variet
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Do these relations correspond to di
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paper. The wider claim is that sube
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More significantly, all involve dir
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assume a syntactic view of event st
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other heads. Secondly, spell-out pa
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Finally, (53) shows the inchoative
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⏟ AA ⏟ (61) [ v P … v TR [ Ak
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Negation-resistant polarity items A
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To summarize, these indefinites can
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covert alternative-sensitive operat
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(17) a. any book = ∃x∈D. x is a
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tion, negative quantifiers and with
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Since PPIs are endowed with the [+D
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4.5. Extra-clausal negation A cruci
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What this data shows us is that PPI
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Prima facie it appears to be the ca
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