Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS

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Finally, the ranking proposed, with two pairs of overlapping constraints (NoQSubj/SF info and SF info /AFR), also accounts for the distribution found in the data for focused indirect objects (see Tableau 5). Candidate (a1) is the most common output form since it does not violate any constraint. In Tableau 6, on the other hand, the indirect object is predicted to occur in a cleft sentence since leaving it in situ violates the higher ranked constraint SF special . QUD:Qu’est-ce que Paul a trouvé sur le coffre? SF SF special Overt- Subj NoQ Subj SF info AFR Faith- Syn a1. ☞ Paul a trouvé des empreintes SUR LE COFFRE. b1. C’est SUR LE COFFRE que Paul a trouvé des *! * empreintes. c1. SUR LE COFFRE, Paul a trouvé des empreintes. ***! d1. C’est des empreintes que Paul a trouvé sur le *! * coffre. e1. Paul a trouvé des empreintes sur le coffre. *! Tableau 5. Tableau for focused indirect objects realized in situ (in non-special contexts) QUD:Ce sont mes empreintes, mais pourquoi vous me soupçonnez? a2. ☞ C’est SUR L’ARME qu’on a trouvé vos empreintes. b2. On a trouvé vos empreintes SUR L’ARME. SF SF special Overt- Subj NoQ Subj SF info AFR Faith- Syn *! * c2. SUR L’ARME, on a trouvé vos empreintes. ***! d2. C’est sur l’arme qu’on a trouvé vos empreintes. *! * e2. On a trouvé vos empreintes sur l’arme. *! Tableau 6. Tableau for focused indirect objects realized in a cleft (in special contexts) 6. Conclusion In this paper, I have investigated two aspects of the c’est-cleft: its meaning and its use. The data from the two experiments presented indicate that (i) the French c’est-cleft does not semantically contribute exhaustivity to the sentence’s meaning and (ii) the alternation cleft/canonical is more complex than previously considered. The exhaustivity of the cleft is attributed to its non-at-issue meaning. I have followed a prosodic and pragmatic approach (à la Hamlaoui 2008) of the canonical/cleft non-random alternation, arguing that the constraint ranking SF >> SF special >> Overt-Subj >> NoQSubj, SF info , AFR >> Faith-Syn, accounts for the realization of focus in French in various cases and interpretations. * 110
References Atlas, Jay David, and Stephen C. Levinson. 1981. It-clefts, informativeness and logical form: Radical pragmatics (revised standard version). Radical pragmatics, ed. by Peter Cole, 1–62. New York: Academic Press. Belletti, Adriana. 2005. Answering with a cleft. The role of null subject parameter and the VP periphery. Proceedings of XXX Incontro di Grammatica Generativa, 63–82. Venezia: Cafoscarina. Beyssade, Claire; Barbara Hemforth; Jean-Marie Marandin; and Cristel Portes. 2011. Prosodic markings of information focus in French. Actes d’IDP 2009, ed. by Hi-Yon Yoo and Elisabeth Delais-Roussarie, 109–122. Paris, Septembre 2009. Boersma, Paul, and Bruce Hayes. 2001. Empirical tests of the Gradual Learning Algorithm. Linguistic Inquiry 32.45–86. Bolinger, Dwight. 1972. A look at equations and cleft sentences. Studies for Einar Haugen, Presented by friends and colleagues, ed. by Evelyn Scherabon Firchow et al., 96–114. Mouton de Gruyter, The Hague. deCat, Cécile. 2007. French dislocation: Interpretation, syntax and acquisition. Oxford University Press. Clech-Darbon, Anne; Georges Rebuschi; and Annie Rialland. 1999. Are there cleft sentences in French? The grammar of focus, ed. by Georges Rebuschi and Laurice Tuller, 83–118. John Benjamins. Delais-Roussarie, Elisabeth. 2005. Études et modélisation des interfaces prosodiques. Habilitation à diriger la recherche. Université Toulouse Le Mirail. Delais-Roussarie, Elisabeth, and Annie Rialland. 2007. Metrical structure, tonal association and focus in French. Romance languages and linguistic theory 2005, ed. by Sergio Baauw, Frank Drijkoningen, and Manuela Pinto, 73–98. John Benjamins. Doetjes, Jenny, Georges Rebuschi, and Annie Rialland. 2004. Cleft sentences. Handbook of French semantics, ed. by Francis Corblin and Henriëtte de Swart, 529–552. CSLI Publications. Dufter, Andreas. 2009. Clefting and discourse organization: Comparing Germanic and Romance. Focus and background in Romance languages, ed. by Andreas Dufter and Daniel Jacob, 83–123. John Benjamins, Amsterdam. Féry, Caroline. 2001. The phonology of focus in French. Audiatur Vox Sapientiae: A Festschrift for Arnim von Stechow, ed. by Caroline Féry and Wolfgang Sternefeld, 153–181. Berlin. Akademie- Verlag. Gabriel, Christoph. 2010. On focus, prosody and word-order in Argentinian Spanish: A minimalist OT account. ReVEL 4.183–222. Hamlaoui, Fatima. 2008. Focus, contrast, and the syntax-phonology interface: The case of French cleft-sentences. Current issues in unity and diversity of languages: Collection of the papers selected from the 18 th International Congress of Linguists. Seoul: Linguistic Society of Korea. Hedberg, Nancy. 2000. The referential status of clefts. Language 76.891–920. Horn, Laurence R. 1981. Exhaustiveness and the semantics of clefts. Proceedings of NELS 11, 125– 142. Jun, Sun-Ah, and Cécile Fougeron. 2000. A phonological model of French intonation. Intonation: Analysis, modeling and technology, ed. by Antonis Botinis, 209–242. Kluwer Academic Publishers. Katz, Stacey. 1997. The syntactic and pragmatic properties of the c’est-cleft construction. PhD dissertation, University of Texas at Austin. Kiss, Katalin. 1998. Identificational focus versus informational focus. Language 74.245–273. Lambrecht, Knud. 1994. Information structure and sentence form: Topic, focus and mental representations of discourse referents. Cambridge University Press. Onea, Edgar. 2009. Exhaustiveness of Hungarian focus: Experimental evidence from Hungarian and German. Proceedings of focus at the syntax-semantics interface, ed. by Arndt Riester and Edgar Onea. Publikationen des SFB 732, Stuttgart. 111
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EISS 9 Empirical Issues in Syntax a
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Contents Preface v Valentina Bianch
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Preface The ninth volume of the ser
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contexts; we provide experimental e
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which we included random intercepts
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• Locality condition: The proposi
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[[(1B′)]] f = {invite(john, x) |
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focus projection, and require that
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The term ‘root clause’ was intr
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pared the degree of metrical promin
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Focus in situ + negative tag Focus
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Horvath, Julia. 2010. “Discourse-
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languages: Hungarian (H) and Romani
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attach-wh usually licenses a single
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on’ requires an overt preposition
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of syntactic priming: the stricter
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(43) Nu văd cum și, mai important
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for certain values to be identical
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ing the CNJ-LST proposed for coordi
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oth of these cases, as well as the
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References Abeillé, Anne. 2005. Le
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the addressee by virtue of linguist
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dressee is enticed by the imperativ
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some way. She notes that it is not
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. A: Give me an aspirin! B: # I don
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Effective preference structures can
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the content gets realized (i.e. he
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to the principle in (39), which aim
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Kaufmann follows the second strateg
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5. Portner 2005, 2007: a dedicated
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to realize the imperative once he a
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epresentation and defeasible reason
Page 66 and 67: equative reading can be paraphrased
Page 68 and 69: ‘the greatest French soldier’ t
Page 70 and 71: 2.4. Plurals 2.4.1. Plural definite
Page 72 and 73: group of people constituting the on
Page 74 and 75: 3. A(n) sole/*only The solution to
Page 76 and 77: ichest i : richest ii :: only : sol
Page 78 and 79: In the case of a singular definite
Page 80 and 81: The lexical entries we have given f
Page 82 and 83: Strawson, P. F. 1950. On referring.
Page 84 and 85: In this paper, I show that a dialec
Page 86 and 87: (3) […] argretter, qu’dins ch
Page 88 and 89: 2.3. Are there any restrictions on
Page 90 and 91: stand to the right of que2, which,
Page 92 and 93: heads FinP (Bovetto 2002, López 20
Page 94 and 95: (24) a. j’prétinds qu’à l’h
Page 96 and 97: . *T’as raison Colas, faut tacher
Page 98 and 99: 6. Conclusion This paper shows that
Page 100 and 101: Appendix Frequency of DCC for embed
Page 102 and 103: In this paper, I provide empirical
Page 104 and 105: subjects are realized in a cleft to
Page 106 and 107: problem with the examples in (11),
Page 108 and 109: continuations chosen after exclusiv
Page 110 and 111: The questions were of two forms: ei
Page 112 and 113: quantified lexical subject any elem
Page 114 and 115: QUD:Qui a corrigé les copies? SF S
Page 118 and 119: Onea, Edgar, and David Beaver. 2011
Page 120 and 121: semantics of these constructions ha
Page 122 and 123: filter. A quantifier like two sailo
Page 124 and 125: are not principal filters, can be c
Page 126 and 127: (22) monotone increasing NPs like a
Page 128 and 129: the equation of the formulas in (27
Page 130 and 131: presuppose the non-emptiness of the
Page 132 and 133: tune with the well-known observatio
Page 134 and 135: Keenan, Edward. 1996. The semantics
Page 136 and 137: (2) Paul veut que nous {soyons SUBJ
Page 138 and 139: (8) Le professeur subodore que les
Page 140 and 141: • verbs describing a course of ac
Page 142 and 143: The semantico-pragmatic condition h
Page 144 and 145: force is stronger than that of the
Page 146 and 147: dire (‘say’) or suggérer (‘s
Page 148 and 149: However, it must be stressed that t
Page 150 and 151: If it is the case that those moves
Page 152 and 153: certain environments. Again, the re
Page 154 and 155: Gross, Maurice. 1978. Correspondanc
Page 156 and 157: Semantically, the difference betwee
Page 158 and 159: (14) a. Descriptive meaning of (13)
Page 160 and 161: What is crucial here is that the en
Page 162 and 163: (30) a. Heute steigt sau die coole
Page 164 and 165: In the following, we will give a te
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These contrasts in their syntactic
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(50) [ QP je- [ DP der [ NP Student
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degree expression out of a seemingl
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969264437.pdf. Koopman, Hilda, and
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semantic representation and computa
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NP [AGR=[PERS=3,NUM=sing]] John S N
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Class CanSubj S Class DirObj VP Cla
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a. ⎡ ⎤ causation [ ] activity C
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lexical meaning PO pattern DO patte
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⎡ ⎤ a. S causation [ ] NP [I= 1
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Class VSpine syntactic dimension VP
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sends ⎡ ⎤ causation EFFECTOR 8
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Crabbé, Benoit. 2005. Grammatical
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Claim 2. Semantic composition of ve
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(7) yo-k2nol-ú 3Z/N.SG.PAT-rain-ST
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inanimate are not selected by verba
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in (25), or from transitive to intr
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(26) a. ⎡ ⎤ English-transitive-
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Abstracting away from the particula
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As shown by the statement of the no
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(36) Áhs2 ni-ka-nláht-a-ke 2-té-
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coincident and dualic prefixes, mea
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aises, of course, the question of w
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A finer look at predicate decomposi
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kill is compatible with wide variet
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Do these relations correspond to di
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paper. The wider claim is that sube
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More significantly, all involve dir
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assume a syntactic view of event st
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other heads. Secondly, spell-out pa
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Finally, (53) shows the inchoative
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⏟ AA ⏟ (61) [ v P … v TR [ Ak
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Negation-resistant polarity items A
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To summarize, these indefinites can
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covert alternative-sensitive operat
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(17) a. any book = ∃x∈D. x is a
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tion, negative quantifiers and with
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Since PPIs are endowed with the [+D
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4.5. Extra-clausal negation A cruci
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What this data shows us is that PPI
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Prima facie it appears to be the ca
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