Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS

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(26) a. ⎡ ⎤ English-transitive-verb [ ] ACTOR 3 SEM UNDERGOER 4 [ 〈〉] SUBJ 1 VALENCE 〈〉 COMPS 2 ⎢ 〈〉 ⎥ ⎣ ARG-ST 1 XP 3 , 2 XP 4 ⎦ b. ⎡ Oneida-dyadic-verb [ ] ACTOR 3 SEM UNDERGOER 4 ⎡ ⎡ ⎢ ⎣MORPH⎣ MORPHSYN ⎣ AGR ⎤ 〈〉 ⎤ ⎤ 3 , 4 ⎥ ⎦⎦⎦ 4. A conjunctive mode of semantic composition Traditional models of semantic composition are well-suited to selectional syntax. To each syntactic selector-selected pair we can associate a semantic functor-argument pair. Semantic composition, then, takes on a simple form (at least in general; of course matters are complex in practice): As one syntactically combines heads and selected dependents one applies the meaning of those heads to the meaning of those selected dependents. Although one needs more complex modes of composition than functional application (see Chung and Ladusaw 2004, and discussion in von Fintel and Matthewson 2008), functional application remains the building block of semantic composition for languages whose syntax relies on syntactic selection. In this section, we discuss what the interface between syntax and semantics looks like in a language whose syntax is direct rather than selectional. If the typical model of semantic composition assumes a relation of syntactic selection between a head and a dependent, what are the consequences for semantics (in particular for semantic composition) of having a direct syntax? How shall we think of semantic composition if functional application is not an available tool? Our informal description of what direct syntax means for the relation between verbs and external NPs gives a flavor of our answer: The combination of NPs and verbs involves a mere co-indexing of the NP with a semantic argument of the verb (and as we will see, a conjunction of the predicates associated with the noun and verb meanings). We call the mode of semantic composition, which is the flip-side of direct syntax, a conjunctive mode of semantic composition or conjunction cum co-indexing. Before examining in some detail how conjunction cum co-indexing works, we first compare it informally to functional application. The traditional lock-step building of syntactic phrases and functionally reduced meanings is illustrated in Figure 1. Of course, this lock-step procedure applies more widely than to the combination of verbs and proper names. It applies also within NPs (and all the way down, in the ideal case), as shown in Figure 2. We informally represent the difference between the two modes of semantic composition—functional application and conjunction cum co-indexing—in Figure 3. That all that is required for composing meanings is identification of variables (x 1 in Figure 3) and conjunction of predications is not as new as it may seem. In his musings on the true role of (bound) variables in logic, Quine (1976:304) already said as much: ‘[T]he essential services of the variable are the permutation of predicate places and the linking of predicate places by identity.’ 194
met ′ (m, j) Mary: m λy.met ′ (y, j) met: λx.λy.met ′ (y,x) John: j Figure 1: Syntactic selection and semantic composition in vanilla lambda-calculus every ′ (λx.dog ′ (x), λy.sleep ′ (y)) λQ.every ′ (λx.dog ′ (x),Q) λy.sleep ′ (y) λP.λQ.every ′ (P,Q) λx.dog ′ (x) Figure 2: It’s syntactic selection and functional application all the way down f (a) λx. f (x) (a) Compositionality in selectional syntax languages a P(...x 1 ...)∧Q(...x 1 ...) P(...) Q(...) (b) Compositionality in direct syntax languages Figure 3: An informal comparison of the ‘basic’ modes of composition in selectional and direct syntax languages 195
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EISS 9 Empirical Issues in Syntax a
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Contents Preface v Valentina Bianch
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Preface The ninth volume of the ser
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contexts; we provide experimental e
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which we included random intercepts
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• Locality condition: The proposi
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[[(1B′)]] f = {invite(john, x) |
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focus projection, and require that
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The term ‘root clause’ was intr
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pared the degree of metrical promin
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Focus in situ + negative tag Focus
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Horvath, Julia. 2010. “Discourse-
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languages: Hungarian (H) and Romani
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attach-wh usually licenses a single
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on’ requires an overt preposition
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of syntactic priming: the stricter
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(43) Nu văd cum și, mai important
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for certain values to be identical
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ing the CNJ-LST proposed for coordi
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oth of these cases, as well as the
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References Abeillé, Anne. 2005. Le
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the addressee by virtue of linguist
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dressee is enticed by the imperativ
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some way. She notes that it is not
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. A: Give me an aspirin! B: # I don
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Effective preference structures can
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the content gets realized (i.e. he
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to the principle in (39), which aim
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Kaufmann follows the second strateg
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5. Portner 2005, 2007: a dedicated
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to realize the imperative once he a
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epresentation and defeasible reason
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equative reading can be paraphrased
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‘the greatest French soldier’ t
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2.4. Plurals 2.4.1. Plural definite
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group of people constituting the on
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3. A(n) sole/*only The solution to
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ichest i : richest ii :: only : sol
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In the case of a singular definite
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The lexical entries we have given f
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Strawson, P. F. 1950. On referring.
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In this paper, I show that a dialec
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(3) […] argretter, qu’dins ch
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2.3. Are there any restrictions on
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stand to the right of que2, which,
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heads FinP (Bovetto 2002, López 20
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(24) a. j’prétinds qu’à l’h
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. *T’as raison Colas, faut tacher
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6. Conclusion This paper shows that
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Appendix Frequency of DCC for embed
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In this paper, I provide empirical
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subjects are realized in a cleft to
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problem with the examples in (11),
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continuations chosen after exclusiv
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The questions were of two forms: ei
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quantified lexical subject any elem
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QUD:Qui a corrigé les copies? SF S
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Finally, the ranking proposed, with
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Onea, Edgar, and David Beaver. 2011
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semantics of these constructions ha
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filter. A quantifier like two sailo
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are not principal filters, can be c
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(22) monotone increasing NPs like a
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the equation of the formulas in (27
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presuppose the non-emptiness of the
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tune with the well-known observatio
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Keenan, Edward. 1996. The semantics
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(2) Paul veut que nous {soyons SUBJ
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(8) Le professeur subodore que les
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• verbs describing a course of ac
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The semantico-pragmatic condition h
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force is stronger than that of the
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dire (‘say’) or suggérer (‘s
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However, it must be stressed that t
Page 150 and 151: If it is the case that those moves
Page 152 and 153: certain environments. Again, the re
Page 154 and 155: Gross, Maurice. 1978. Correspondanc
Page 156 and 157: Semantically, the difference betwee
Page 158 and 159: (14) a. Descriptive meaning of (13)
Page 160 and 161: What is crucial here is that the en
Page 162 and 163: (30) a. Heute steigt sau die coole
Page 164 and 165: In the following, we will give a te
Page 166 and 167: These contrasts in their syntactic
Page 168 and 169: (50) [ QP je- [ DP der [ NP Student
Page 170 and 171: degree expression out of a seemingl
Page 172 and 173: 969264437.pdf. Koopman, Hilda, and
Page 174 and 175: semantic representation and computa
Page 176 and 177: NP [AGR=[PERS=3,NUM=sing]] John S N
Page 178 and 179: Class CanSubj S Class DirObj VP Cla
Page 180 and 181: a. ⎡ ⎤ causation [ ] activity C
Page 182 and 183: lexical meaning PO pattern DO patte
Page 184 and 185: ⎡ ⎤ a. S causation [ ] NP [I= 1
Page 186 and 187: Class VSpine syntactic dimension VP
Page 188 and 189: sends ⎡ ⎤ causation EFFECTOR 8
Page 190 and 191: Crabbé, Benoit. 2005. Grammatical
Page 192 and 193: Claim 2. Semantic composition of ve
Page 194 and 195: (7) yo-k2nol-ú 3Z/N.SG.PAT-rain-ST
Page 196 and 197: inanimate are not selected by verba
Page 198 and 199: in (25), or from transitive to intr
Page 202 and 203: Abstracting away from the particula
Page 204 and 205: As shown by the statement of the no
Page 206 and 207: (36) Áhs2 ni-ka-nláht-a-ke 2-té-
Page 208 and 209: coincident and dualic prefixes, mea
Page 210 and 211: aises, of course, the question of w
Page 213 and 214: A finer look at predicate decomposi
Page 215 and 216: kill is compatible with wide variet
Page 217 and 218: Do these relations correspond to di
Page 219 and 220: paper. The wider claim is that sube
Page 221 and 222: More significantly, all involve dir
Page 223 and 224: assume a syntactic view of event st
Page 225 and 226: other heads. Secondly, spell-out pa
Page 227 and 228: Finally, (53) shows the inchoative
Page 229 and 230: ⏟ AA ⏟ (61) [ v P … v TR [ Ak
Page 231 and 232: Negation-resistant polarity items A
Page 233 and 234: To summarize, these indefinites can
Page 235 and 236: covert alternative-sensitive operat
Page 237 and 238: (17) a. any book = ∃x∈D. x is a
Page 239 and 240: tion, negative quantifiers and with
Page 241 and 242: Since PPIs are endowed with the [+D
Page 243 and 244: 4.5. Extra-clausal negation A cruci
Page 245 and 246: What this data shows us is that PPI
Page 247 and 248: Prima facie it appears to be the ca
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