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Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS

Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS

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the content gets realized (i.e. he is not an agent for the content).<br />

If the content of the imperative is about an addressee action, (34) is sufficient to capture<br />

what is conveyed by directive uses: the speaker has a preference for the addressee perform<strong>in</strong>g<br />

the action, e.g., <strong>in</strong> (35), the speaker has a preference for the addressee to close the w<strong>in</strong>dow.<br />

(34) IMP c := λ p[λw[PEP w (Sp, p)]] (f<strong>in</strong>al)<br />

(35) a. Close the w<strong>in</strong>dow!<br />

b. λw[PEP w (Sp,λu[Ad closes the w<strong>in</strong>dow <strong>in</strong> u])]<br />

This works because if p is about an addressee action, we don’t need the detour through an effective<br />

preference that will ensure that the addressee is an agent for p. For the general case, can we<br />

f<strong>in</strong>d contextual conditions under which the semantics <strong>in</strong> (34) entails the version <strong>in</strong> (32)? Suppose<br />

that it is taken for granted that (i) the speaker himself will not br<strong>in</strong>g about p, (ii) the speaker believes<br />

that a necessary precondition for p to become realized without his own <strong>in</strong>volvement is that<br />

the addressee effectively prefers it, 7 <strong>and</strong> (iii) the speaker will only commit to an effective preference<br />

for p if he actually effectively prefers p. In this case, because of (iii), PEP w (Sp, p) will<br />

entail EP w (Sp, p), which, by (i) <strong>and</strong> (ii), implies EP w (Sp,λv[EP v (Ad, p)]). 8 This is not quite<br />

identical to (32), but it can have the same effect, provided the addressee concludes, plausibly,<br />

that convey<strong>in</strong>g this implication was the speaker’s <strong>in</strong>tent <strong>in</strong> publicly committ<strong>in</strong>g to a preference<br />

for p. 9<br />

Now, (ii) is actually someth<strong>in</strong>g we want to simply be a contextual condition that may or<br />

may not be <strong>in</strong> place. If it is absent, we do not want to get the stronger version <strong>in</strong> (32), because,<br />

empirically, this is when we get wish uses. Th<strong>in</strong>gs are different with (i). As discussed <strong>in</strong> §2.4,<br />

imperatives always imply a m<strong>in</strong>imization of speaker <strong>in</strong>volvement. We hence propose that there<br />

is a second conventional mean<strong>in</strong>g component:<br />

(36) The speaker takes it to be possible <strong>and</strong> desirable that, after his utterance, there is no<br />

action on his part that is necessary for the realization of the content.<br />

We leave this statement at the <strong>in</strong>formal level, as the requisite notion of a necessary speaker<br />

action does not have a ready formalization, <strong>and</strong> develop<strong>in</strong>g one would take us too far afield<br />

here. We also leave it open whether this implication is a second speaker commitment <strong>in</strong>duced<br />

by imperative utterances, or whether this is simply someth<strong>in</strong>g that is signaled by the use of the<br />

imperative, or a felicity condition on uses of imperatives.<br />

The need for consistency of the content of imperatives derives from the consistency requirement<br />

on effective preferences. When an agent utters an imperative with content p, he is committed<br />

to p be<strong>in</strong>g a maximal element of his effective preference structure. Maximal elements,<br />

by def<strong>in</strong>ition, are unranked with respect to each other, which entails that they must be compatible.<br />

Two successive imperatives with contradictory contents thus <strong>in</strong>dicate that the speaker has<br />

changed his m<strong>in</strong>d about his effective preferences from one utterance to the next. This compatibility<br />

requirement is not a stipulation particular to imperatives; it is <strong>in</strong>dependently motivated by<br />

the fact that these preferences are part of a model of the agent’s decision procedure.<br />

7 (ii) is meant to capture the assumption that the addressee will not br<strong>in</strong>g about p <strong>in</strong>advertently, <strong>and</strong> that, m<strong>in</strong>imally,<br />

his assent is necessary for the realization of p.<br />

8 We can see this step as an <strong>in</strong>stance of practical reason<strong>in</strong>g by the speaker.<br />

9 Alternatively, if we take (ii) to be about the doxastic commitments of the speaker, we can dispense with (iii)<br />

<strong>and</strong> do the practical reason<strong>in</strong>g step us<strong>in</strong>g public beliefs <strong>and</strong> preferences. In this case, we directly derive (32) as a<br />

contextual implication of (34).<br />

48

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