Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS

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Gross, Maurice. 1978. Correspondance entre forme et sens à propos du subjonctif, Langue française 39.49–65. Hooper, Joan B. 1975. On assertive predicates. Syntax and semantics 4, ed. by John P. Kimball, 91– 124. New York: Academic Press. Huddleston, Rodney D., and Geoffrey K. Pullum (eds). 2002. The Cambridge grammar of the English language. Cambridge: CUP. Huot, Hélène. 1986. Le subjonctif dans les complétives : subjectivité et modélisation. La grammaire modulaire, ed. by M. Ronat and D. Couquaux, 81–111. Paris: Ed. de Minuit. Korzen, Hanne. 2003. Subjonctif, indicatif et assertion : ou comment expliquer le mode dans les subordonnées complétives ? Aspects de la modalité, ed. by Meret Birkelund, Gerhard Boysen, and Poul S. Kjaersgaard, 113–129. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag. Laca, Brenda. 2011. On the temporal orientation of intensional subjunctives in Spanish. Ms., U. Paris 8. To appear in Sentence and Discourse, ed. by Jacqueline Guéron. Leeman, Danielle. 1994. Grammaire du verbe français : des formes au sens, modes, aspects, temps, auxiliaires. Paris: Nathan. Marchello-Nizia, Christiane. 2006. Grammaticalisation et changement linguistique. Bruxelles: De boek. Miller, Philip and Brian Lowrey. 2003. La complémentation des verbes de perception en anglais et en français. Essais sur la grammaire comparée du français et de l’anglais, ed. by Philip Miller and Anne Zribi-Hertz, 131–188. Paris: Presses Universitaires de Vincennes. Mosegaard-Hansen, Maj-Britt. 2001. Form and function of yes/no interrogatives in spoken standard French. Studies in Language 25.463–520. Portner, Paul. 1997. The Semantics of mood, complementation, and conversational force, Natural Language Semantics 5.167–212. Quer, Josep. 2001. Interpreting mood. Probus 13.81–111. Renzi, Lorenzo; Gianpaolo Salvi; and Anna Cardinaletti. 2001. Grande grammatica italiana di consultazione. Bologna: Il Mulino. Schlenker, Philip. 2005. The lazy Frenchman’s approach to the subjunctive (Speculations on reference to worlds and semantic defaults in the analysis of mood). Proceedings of Going Romance XVII. Online: https://files.nyu.edu/pds4/public/). Solà, Joan et al. (eds.) 2002. Gramàtica del català contemporan. Barcelona: Empuries. Soutet, Olivier. 2000. Le subjonctif en français. Paris: Ophrys. Traugott, Elizabeth Closs. 2003. Constructions in grammaticalization. The handbook of historical linguistics, ed. by Brian D. Joseph and Richard D. Janda, 624–647. Oxford: Blackwell. Villalta, Elisabeth. 2008. Mood and gradability: an investigation of the subjunctive mood in Spanish. Linguistics and Philosophy 31.467–522. 148
Expressive intensifiers in German: syntax-semantics mismatches Daniel Gutzmann † and Katharina Turgay ‡∗ † University of Frankfurt, ‡ University of Landau 1. Introduction Like many languages, German exhibits different possibilities for intensifying the meaning of a gradable adjective. The most obvious ways are by means of degree-morphology (-er for the comparative; -st for the superlative) or degree word like very ‘sehr’. However, in this paper, we want to examine a special class of degree items, which we call expressive intensifiers (EIs) and which mainly belong to informal varieties of German. The most frequent EIs are total ‘totally’ and voll ‘fully’ (Androutsopoulos 1998), and more recently, sau, which is derived from the homophonous expression meaning ‘female pig, sow’. 1 (1) Sophie ist {sau/total/voll} schnell. Sophie is EI fast ‘Sophie is EI (≈ totally) fast.’ EIs like sau exhibit particular syntactic and semantic properties which set them apart from simple degree words and which, as we will show, pose some interesting puzzles for their syntactic and semantic analysis. These obstacles mainly stem from the fact that beside the standard position inside the DP in which EIs precede the adjective they intensify, as in (2), they can appear in a DP-external position in which the entire DP follows the EI. 2 (2) Du hast gestern eine sau coole Party verpasst. you has yesterday a EI cool party missed ‘Yesterday, you missed a EI cool party.’ (3) Du hast gestern sau die coole Party verpasst. you has yesterday EI the cool party missed ‘Yesterday, you missed EI a cool party.’ (DP-internal position) (DP-external position) ∗ We would like to thank Chris Barker, Leah Bauke, Erich Groat, André Meinunger, Rick Nouwen, Barbara Partee, Roland Pfau, Carla Umbach, Ede Zimmermann, and Malte Zimmermann for helpful comments. Special thanks to Christopher Piñón for his valuable suggestions and an anonymous reviewer. All remaining errors are ‘totally’ our own. 1 See Kirschbaum (2002) for an overview over the metaphoric patterns according to which intensifiers evolve, both conceptually and diachronically. A general overview over the aspects of intensification in German is provided by van Os (1989). 2 External EIs are pretty frequent in informal settings and can easily be found in the web. In addition, we backed up our own intuition with a questionnaire study with 265 subjects, which confirmed the contrasts we present in this contribution. © 2012 Daniel Gutzmann and Katharina Turgay Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9, ed. Christopher Piñón, pp. 149–166 EISS 9 http://www.cssp.cnrs.fr/eiss9/
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EISS 9 Empirical Issues in Syntax a
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Contents Preface v Valentina Bianch
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Preface The ninth volume of the ser
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contexts; we provide experimental e
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which we included random intercepts
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• Locality condition: The proposi
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[[(1B′)]] f = {invite(john, x) |
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focus projection, and require that
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The term ‘root clause’ was intr
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pared the degree of metrical promin
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Focus in situ + negative tag Focus
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Horvath, Julia. 2010. “Discourse-
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languages: Hungarian (H) and Romani
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attach-wh usually licenses a single
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on’ requires an overt preposition
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of syntactic priming: the stricter
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(43) Nu văd cum și, mai important
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for certain values to be identical
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ing the CNJ-LST proposed for coordi
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oth of these cases, as well as the
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References Abeillé, Anne. 2005. Le
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the addressee by virtue of linguist
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dressee is enticed by the imperativ
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some way. She notes that it is not
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. A: Give me an aspirin! B: # I don
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Effective preference structures can
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the content gets realized (i.e. he
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to the principle in (39), which aim
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Kaufmann follows the second strateg
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5. Portner 2005, 2007: a dedicated
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to realize the imperative once he a
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epresentation and defeasible reason
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equative reading can be paraphrased
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‘the greatest French soldier’ t
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2.4. Plurals 2.4.1. Plural definite
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group of people constituting the on
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3. A(n) sole/*only The solution to
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ichest i : richest ii :: only : sol
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In the case of a singular definite
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The lexical entries we have given f
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Strawson, P. F. 1950. On referring.
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In this paper, I show that a dialec
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(3) […] argretter, qu’dins ch
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2.3. Are there any restrictions on
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stand to the right of que2, which,
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heads FinP (Bovetto 2002, López 20
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(24) a. j’prétinds qu’à l’h
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. *T’as raison Colas, faut tacher
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6. Conclusion This paper shows that
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Appendix Frequency of DCC for embed
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In this paper, I provide empirical
Page 104 and 105: subjects are realized in a cleft to
Page 106 and 107: problem with the examples in (11),
Page 108 and 109: continuations chosen after exclusiv
Page 110 and 111: The questions were of two forms: ei
Page 112 and 113: quantified lexical subject any elem
Page 114 and 115: QUD:Qui a corrigé les copies? SF S
Page 116 and 117: Finally, the ranking proposed, with
Page 118 and 119: Onea, Edgar, and David Beaver. 2011
Page 120 and 121: semantics of these constructions ha
Page 122 and 123: filter. A quantifier like two sailo
Page 124 and 125: are not principal filters, can be c
Page 126 and 127: (22) monotone increasing NPs like a
Page 128 and 129: the equation of the formulas in (27
Page 130 and 131: presuppose the non-emptiness of the
Page 132 and 133: tune with the well-known observatio
Page 134 and 135: Keenan, Edward. 1996. The semantics
Page 136 and 137: (2) Paul veut que nous {soyons SUBJ
Page 138 and 139: (8) Le professeur subodore que les
Page 140 and 141: • verbs describing a course of ac
Page 142 and 143: The semantico-pragmatic condition h
Page 144 and 145: force is stronger than that of the
Page 146 and 147: dire (‘say’) or suggérer (‘s
Page 148 and 149: However, it must be stressed that t
Page 150 and 151: If it is the case that those moves
Page 152 and 153: certain environments. Again, the re
Page 156 and 157: Semantically, the difference betwee
Page 158 and 159: (14) a. Descriptive meaning of (13)
Page 160 and 161: What is crucial here is that the en
Page 162 and 163: (30) a. Heute steigt sau die coole
Page 164 and 165: In the following, we will give a te
Page 166 and 167: These contrasts in their syntactic
Page 168 and 169: (50) [ QP je- [ DP der [ NP Student
Page 170 and 171: degree expression out of a seemingl
Page 172 and 173: 969264437.pdf. Koopman, Hilda, and
Page 174 and 175: semantic representation and computa
Page 176 and 177: NP [AGR=[PERS=3,NUM=sing]] John S N
Page 178 and 179: Class CanSubj S Class DirObj VP Cla
Page 180 and 181: a. ⎡ ⎤ causation [ ] activity C
Page 182 and 183: lexical meaning PO pattern DO patte
Page 184 and 185: ⎡ ⎤ a. S causation [ ] NP [I= 1
Page 186 and 187: Class VSpine syntactic dimension VP
Page 188 and 189: sends ⎡ ⎤ causation EFFECTOR 8
Page 190 and 191: Crabbé, Benoit. 2005. Grammatical
Page 192 and 193: Claim 2. Semantic composition of ve
Page 194 and 195: (7) yo-k2nol-ú 3Z/N.SG.PAT-rain-ST
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Page 202 and 203: Abstracting away from the particula
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As shown by the statement of the no
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(36) Áhs2 ni-ka-nláht-a-ke 2-té-
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coincident and dualic prefixes, mea
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aises, of course, the question of w
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A finer look at predicate decomposi
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kill is compatible with wide variet
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Do these relations correspond to di
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paper. The wider claim is that sube
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More significantly, all involve dir
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assume a syntactic view of event st
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other heads. Secondly, spell-out pa
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Finally, (53) shows the inchoative
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⏟ AA ⏟ (61) [ v P … v TR [ Ak
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Negation-resistant polarity items A
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To summarize, these indefinites can
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covert alternative-sensitive operat
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(17) a. any book = ∃x∈D. x is a
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tion, negative quantifiers and with
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Since PPIs are endowed with the [+D
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4.5. Extra-clausal negation A cruci
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What this data shows us is that PPI
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Prima facie it appears to be the ca
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