Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS

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of syntactic priming: the stricter orderings in paratactic-wh have an impact on the speakers’ preferences as regards the wh-combinations in coordination structures, and this influences the acceptability judgments. This may help us to explain why all 10 Romanian subjects participating in a 5-point rating scale task ranked the sentence in (33) above 4 (high degree of acceptability), and the reversed order in (34) below 3 (low degree of acceptability). The issue necessitates further experimental investigations (e.g. experiments with a speeded acceptability judgment task). (33) Cine who și ce a văzut? and what has seen (34) Ce și cine a văzut? what and who has seen 3. Background of the analysis In this section, we examine the syntactic structure of the already presented constructions. More precisely, our aim is to determine whether they are monoclausal or biclausal. 3.1. Previous analyses Generally, previous analyses proposed for coordinate multiple questions treat them as either monoclausal or biclausal structures, but they usually assume (except for Citko and Gračanin- Yuksek 2012, and Haida and Repp 2011) that one type of analysis can be cross-linguistically valid. According to the monoclausal approaches (Kazenin 2002, Lipták 2001, 2003, Skrabalova 2006, and Gribanova 2009), parallel to the analysis of paratactic-wh, the wh-phrases are fronted by movement to the left periphery of the same clause and then a ‘spurious coordinator’ is inserted between the wh-phrases, as illustrated in (35a). Other analyses assume that coordinate multiple questions are in fact biclausal, as schematized in (35b). (35) a. [ CP [ &P wh 1 conj wh 2 ] [ T P t 1 ... t 1 ] ] b. [ &P [ CP wh 1 [ TP t 1 ... ]] conj [ CP wh 2 [ T P ... t 2 ]]] There are two different biclausal analyses: one involving syntactic ellipsis (Bánréti 2007, Giannakidou and Merchant 1998, Merchant 2008, and Tomaszewicz 2011), which assumes that coordinate multiple questions contain standard clausal coordination accompanied by the ellipsis of all the material except for the wh-phrase itself in one of the conjuncts (i.e. backwards sluicing). According to the other approach, coordinate multiple questions involve multidominance, characterized by a single element being shared between two mother nodes (Citko and Gračanin-Yuksek 2012; Raţiu 2011). In what follows, we examine the syntax of these structures in Hungarian and Romanian separately. 3.2. The syntactic structure of Romanian coord-wh and end-attach-wh We will argue that both coord-wh (36) and end-attach-wh (37) are biclausal in Romanian. (36) [Cine who –] S – [și când a venit] S ? 6 (37) [Cine a venit] S [și când –] S ? and when has come who has come and when – Conclusive evidence in favour of the biclausal analysis comes from the distribution of the 6 Note that the adjunct in the right conjunct can be analyzed either as an integrated or as an incidental adjunct. In the last case, the structure would be [Cine [și când–] S a venit] S . 26
interrogative particle oare (Raţiu 2011). This particle optionally occurs in interrogative clauses in a relatively free distribution, as in (38a), and usually only appears once per clause, as in (38b). However, as Raţiu (2011) convincingly shows, the interrogative particle oare can appear only once per clause with paratactic-wh, as in (39), while with coord-wh and end-attach-wh, it can co-occur with each wh-phrase, as in (40a)–(40b) and in (40c), respectively. Thus, each of these two structures behaves like a coordination of two interrogative clauses. (38) a. (Oare) (PRT) b. Oare PRT Cine who cine who (oare) (PRT) (*oare) (PRT) vine? comes vine? comes (39) a. Oare cine (*oare) PRT who (PRT) b. Cine who (*oare) (PRT) ce what ce zice? what says oare zice? PRT says (40) a. Oare cine și oare ce va spune? PRT who and PRT what will say b. Cine oare și ce oare va spune? who PRT and what PRT will say c. Oare cine va veni, și oare când ? PRT who will come, and PRT when Monoclausal analyses of coord-wh usually stipulate that the conjunction is a semantically spurious element (see Merchant 2008). However, in Romanian, coord-wh are compatible with other conjunctive items (41) apart from the conjunction și ‘and’. If the conjunctive and is assumed to have some spurious uses (where it is semantically contentless), it is difficult to extend this analysis to the other coordinators, which seem to always be semantically contentful. More interestingly, the list of available conjunctions in Romanian multiple wh-questions contains the conjunction iar ‘and’ (41c), which is reserved for contrastive clausal coordination (Bîlbîie 2011). (41) a. Nu vreau să mi se spună când sau cât trebuie să mănânc. NEG want.1 tell.SUBJ.3 me when or how much must eat.SUBJ.1 ‘I don’t like being told when or how much I have to eat.’ b. Mă interesează nu cine, ci ce a făcut. me interests not who but what has done ‘I’m not interested in who did it, but in what he did.’ c. Vreau să știu mai întâi cine, iar apoi ce a făcut. want.1 know.SUBJ.1 first who, and then what has done ‘I want to know first who did it, and then what he did.’ Furthermore, it is possible to coordinate the yes/no question marker dacă ‘if’ and a whphrase, which also shows that the structure is biclausal, since the answer to the second question has to presuppose that the first is already resolved: (42) RATB și Metrorex vor anunța vineri dacă și când intră în grevă generală. RATB and Metrorex will announce Friday if and when enter in strike general ‘RATB and Metrorex will announce on Friday if and when they enter in general strike.’ Moreover, it is possible to insert sentence-level adverbials (e.g. speech act adverbs) between the wh-phrases: 27
Page 1 and 2: EISS 9 Empirical Issues in Syntax a
Page 3 and 4: Contents Preface v Valentina Bianch
Page 5: Preface The ninth volume of the ser
Page 8 and 9: contexts; we provide experimental e
Page 10 and 11: which we included random intercepts
Page 12 and 13: • Locality condition: The proposi
Page 14 and 15: [[(1B′)]] f = {invite(john, x) |
Page 16 and 17: focus projection, and require that
Page 18 and 19: The term ‘root clause’ was intr
Page 20 and 21: pared the degree of metrical promin
Page 22 and 23: Focus in situ + negative tag Focus
Page 24 and 25: Horvath, Julia. 2010. “Discourse-
Page 26 and 27: languages: Hungarian (H) and Romani
Page 28 and 29: attach-wh usually licenses a single
Page 30 and 31: on’ requires an overt preposition
Page 34 and 35: (43) Nu văd cum și, mai important
Page 36 and 37: for certain values to be identical
Page 38 and 39: ing the CNJ-LST proposed for coordi
Page 40 and 41: oth of these cases, as well as the
Page 42 and 43: References Abeillé, Anne. 2005. Le
Page 44 and 45: the addressee by virtue of linguist
Page 46 and 47: dressee is enticed by the imperativ
Page 48 and 49: some way. She notes that it is not
Page 50 and 51: . A: Give me an aspirin! B: # I don
Page 52 and 53: Effective preference structures can
Page 54 and 55: the content gets realized (i.e. he
Page 56 and 57: to the principle in (39), which aim
Page 58 and 59: Kaufmann follows the second strateg
Page 60 and 61: 5. Portner 2005, 2007: a dedicated
Page 62 and 63: to realize the imperative once he a
Page 64 and 65: epresentation and defeasible reason
Page 66 and 67: equative reading can be paraphrased
Page 68 and 69: ‘the greatest French soldier’ t
Page 70 and 71: 2.4. Plurals 2.4.1. Plural definite
Page 72 and 73: group of people constituting the on
Page 74 and 75: 3. A(n) sole/*only The solution to
Page 76 and 77: ichest i : richest ii :: only : sol
Page 78 and 79: In the case of a singular definite
Page 80 and 81: The lexical entries we have given f
Page 82 and 83:
Strawson, P. F. 1950. On referring.
Page 84 and 85:
In this paper, I show that a dialec
Page 86 and 87:
(3) […] argretter, qu’dins ch
Page 88 and 89:
2.3. Are there any restrictions on
Page 90 and 91:
stand to the right of que2, which,
Page 92 and 93:
heads FinP (Bovetto 2002, López 20
Page 94 and 95:
(24) a. j’prétinds qu’à l’h
Page 96 and 97:
. *T’as raison Colas, faut tacher
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6. Conclusion This paper shows that
Page 100 and 101:
Appendix Frequency of DCC for embed
Page 102 and 103:
In this paper, I provide empirical
Page 104 and 105:
subjects are realized in a cleft to
Page 106 and 107:
problem with the examples in (11),
Page 108 and 109:
continuations chosen after exclusiv
Page 110 and 111:
The questions were of two forms: ei
Page 112 and 113:
quantified lexical subject any elem
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QUD:Qui a corrigé les copies? SF S
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Finally, the ranking proposed, with
Page 118 and 119:
Onea, Edgar, and David Beaver. 2011
Page 120 and 121:
semantics of these constructions ha
Page 122 and 123:
filter. A quantifier like two sailo
Page 124 and 125:
are not principal filters, can be c
Page 126 and 127:
(22) monotone increasing NPs like a
Page 128 and 129:
the equation of the formulas in (27
Page 130 and 131:
presuppose the non-emptiness of the
Page 132 and 133:
tune with the well-known observatio
Page 134 and 135:
Keenan, Edward. 1996. The semantics
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(2) Paul veut que nous {soyons SUBJ
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(8) Le professeur subodore que les
Page 140 and 141:
• verbs describing a course of ac
Page 142 and 143:
The semantico-pragmatic condition h
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force is stronger than that of the
Page 146 and 147:
dire (‘say’) or suggérer (‘s
Page 148 and 149:
However, it must be stressed that t
Page 150 and 151:
If it is the case that those moves
Page 152 and 153:
certain environments. Again, the re
Page 154 and 155:
Gross, Maurice. 1978. Correspondanc
Page 156 and 157:
Semantically, the difference betwee
Page 158 and 159:
(14) a. Descriptive meaning of (13)
Page 160 and 161:
What is crucial here is that the en
Page 162 and 163:
(30) a. Heute steigt sau die coole
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In the following, we will give a te
Page 166 and 167:
These contrasts in their syntactic
Page 168 and 169:
(50) [ QP je- [ DP der [ NP Student
Page 170 and 171:
degree expression out of a seemingl
Page 172 and 173:
969264437.pdf. Koopman, Hilda, and
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semantic representation and computa
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NP [AGR=[PERS=3,NUM=sing]] John S N
Page 178 and 179:
Class CanSubj S Class DirObj VP Cla
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a. ⎡ ⎤ causation [ ] activity C
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lexical meaning PO pattern DO patte
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⎡ ⎤ a. S causation [ ] NP [I= 1
Page 186 and 187:
Class VSpine syntactic dimension VP
Page 188 and 189:
sends ⎡ ⎤ causation EFFECTOR 8
Page 190 and 191:
Crabbé, Benoit. 2005. Grammatical
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Claim 2. Semantic composition of ve
Page 194 and 195:
(7) yo-k2nol-ú 3Z/N.SG.PAT-rain-ST
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inanimate are not selected by verba
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in (25), or from transitive to intr
Page 200 and 201:
(26) a. ⎡ ⎤ English-transitive-
Page 202 and 203:
Abstracting away from the particula
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As shown by the statement of the no
Page 206 and 207:
(36) Áhs2 ni-ka-nláht-a-ke 2-té-
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coincident and dualic prefixes, mea
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aises, of course, the question of w
Page 213 and 214:
A finer look at predicate decomposi
Page 215 and 216:
kill is compatible with wide variet
Page 217 and 218:
Do these relations correspond to di
Page 219 and 220:
paper. The wider claim is that sube
Page 221 and 222:
More significantly, all involve dir
Page 223 and 224:
assume a syntactic view of event st
Page 225 and 226:
other heads. Secondly, spell-out pa
Page 227 and 228:
Finally, (53) shows the inchoative
Page 229 and 230:
⏟ AA ⏟ (61) [ v P … v TR [ Ak
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Negation-resistant polarity items A
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To summarize, these indefinites can
Page 235 and 236:
covert alternative-sensitive operat
Page 237 and 238:
(17) a. any book = ∃x∈D. x is a
Page 239 and 240:
tion, negative quantifiers and with
Page 241 and 242:
Since PPIs are endowed with the [+D
Page 243 and 244:
4.5. Extra-clausal negation A cruci
Page 245 and 246:
What this data shows us is that PPI
Page 247 and 248:
Prima facie it appears to be the ca
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