Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS
Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS
Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS
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pared the degree of metrical prom<strong>in</strong>ence assigned to post-focal elements. The experimental<br />
conditions are exemplified <strong>in</strong> Table 3.<br />
Condition A<br />
Condition P<br />
Condition H<br />
[Germanico vorrebbe <strong>in</strong>vitare Pierangela] BF<br />
Germanico would like to <strong>in</strong>vite Pierangela<br />
[Germanico] CF vorrebbe <strong>in</strong>vitare Pierangela<br />
Germanico would like to <strong>in</strong>vite Pierangela<br />
[Germanico] CF la vorrebbe <strong>in</strong>vitare [Pierangela] RDed<br />
Germanico her-would like to <strong>in</strong>vite Pierangela<br />
Table 3. Examples of experimental sentences from Bocci & Avesani 2011<br />
The stimuli presented an <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itival verb form (the target word) followed by its object <strong>and</strong><br />
occurr<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> three conditions: (i) condition A: <strong>in</strong> a broad focus sentence (BF); (ii) condition P:<br />
follow<strong>in</strong>g a subject on which the context imposed a corrective focus (CF) <strong>in</strong>terpretation; (iii)<br />
condition H: follow<strong>in</strong>g a CF subject <strong>and</strong> preced<strong>in</strong>g a right dislocated (RD-ed) topic.<br />
The rationale was related to the predicted metrical representations: see Table 4. In condition<br />
A, the <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive was expected not to qualify as a phrasal head, s<strong>in</strong>ce the head should be<br />
assigned to the object. Similarly, the <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive <strong>in</strong> condition P, be<strong>in</strong>g followed by its object,<br />
should not qualify as a phrasal head, regardless of the metrical status of post-focal material.<br />
In condition H, <strong>in</strong>stead, the RD-ed object was expected to be phrased as an <strong>in</strong>dependent<br />
<strong>in</strong>tonational phrase (ι) <strong>and</strong>, consequently, the <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive was expected to be wrapped between the<br />
phonological phrase (φ) boundary clos<strong>in</strong>g the <strong>in</strong>itial focus <strong>and</strong> the ι-boundary sett<strong>in</strong>g apart the<br />
RD-ed Object. If phrasal prom<strong>in</strong>ences were assigned <strong>in</strong> post-focal context by virtue of default<br />
mapp<strong>in</strong>g rules, the <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive <strong>in</strong> condition H should qualify as a φ-head, be<strong>in</strong>g the rightmost<br />
element with<strong>in</strong> its φ-phrase. Conversely, if post-focal elements were extra-prosodic, the<br />
<strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive should bear only a word-level prom<strong>in</strong>ence as <strong>in</strong> A <strong>and</strong> P.<br />
Condition A:<br />
broad focus<br />
Condition P:<br />
<strong>in</strong>itial corrective focus<br />
Condition H:<br />
<strong>in</strong>itial corrective focus,<br />
right dislocated<br />
{ * }υ phonological utterance<br />
[ * ]ι <strong>in</strong>tonational phrase<br />
( * )φ ( * )φ phonological phrase<br />
Germanico vorrebbe <strong>in</strong>vitare Pierangela<br />
Germanico would like to <strong>in</strong>vite Pierangela<br />
{ * }υ phonological utterance<br />
[ * ]ι <strong>in</strong>tonational phrase<br />
( * )φ ( * )φ phonological phrase<br />
[Germanico] CF vorrebbe <strong>in</strong>vitare Pierangela<br />
Germanico would like to <strong>in</strong>vite Pierangela<br />
{ * }υ phonological utterance<br />
[ * ]ι [ * ]ι <strong>in</strong>tonational phrase<br />
( * )φ ( * )φ ( * )φ phonological phrase<br />
[Germanico] CF la vorrebbe <strong>in</strong>vitare [Pierangela] RDed<br />
Germanico her-would like to <strong>in</strong>vite Pierangela<br />
Table 4. Metrical representations of the experimental sentences accord<strong>in</strong>g to Bocci <strong>and</strong><br />
Avesani’s (2011) analysis<br />
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