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Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS

Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 9 (EISS 9 ... - CSSP - CNRS

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pared the degree of metrical prom<strong>in</strong>ence assigned to post-focal elements. The experimental<br />

conditions are exemplified <strong>in</strong> Table 3.<br />

Condition A<br />

Condition P<br />

Condition H<br />

[Germanico vorrebbe <strong>in</strong>vitare Pierangela] BF<br />

Germanico would like to <strong>in</strong>vite Pierangela<br />

[Germanico] CF vorrebbe <strong>in</strong>vitare Pierangela<br />

Germanico would like to <strong>in</strong>vite Pierangela<br />

[Germanico] CF la vorrebbe <strong>in</strong>vitare [Pierangela] RDed<br />

Germanico her-would like to <strong>in</strong>vite Pierangela<br />

Table 3. Examples of experimental sentences from Bocci & Avesani 2011<br />

The stimuli presented an <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itival verb form (the target word) followed by its object <strong>and</strong><br />

occurr<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> three conditions: (i) condition A: <strong>in</strong> a broad focus sentence (BF); (ii) condition P:<br />

follow<strong>in</strong>g a subject on which the context imposed a corrective focus (CF) <strong>in</strong>terpretation; (iii)<br />

condition H: follow<strong>in</strong>g a CF subject <strong>and</strong> preced<strong>in</strong>g a right dislocated (RD-ed) topic.<br />

The rationale was related to the predicted metrical representations: see Table 4. In condition<br />

A, the <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive was expected not to qualify as a phrasal head, s<strong>in</strong>ce the head should be<br />

assigned to the object. Similarly, the <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive <strong>in</strong> condition P, be<strong>in</strong>g followed by its object,<br />

should not qualify as a phrasal head, regardless of the metrical status of post-focal material.<br />

In condition H, <strong>in</strong>stead, the RD-ed object was expected to be phrased as an <strong>in</strong>dependent<br />

<strong>in</strong>tonational phrase (ι) <strong>and</strong>, consequently, the <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive was expected to be wrapped between the<br />

phonological phrase (φ) boundary clos<strong>in</strong>g the <strong>in</strong>itial focus <strong>and</strong> the ι-boundary sett<strong>in</strong>g apart the<br />

RD-ed Object. If phrasal prom<strong>in</strong>ences were assigned <strong>in</strong> post-focal context by virtue of default<br />

mapp<strong>in</strong>g rules, the <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive <strong>in</strong> condition H should qualify as a φ-head, be<strong>in</strong>g the rightmost<br />

element with<strong>in</strong> its φ-phrase. Conversely, if post-focal elements were extra-prosodic, the<br />

<strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive should bear only a word-level prom<strong>in</strong>ence as <strong>in</strong> A <strong>and</strong> P.<br />

Condition A:<br />

broad focus<br />

Condition P:<br />

<strong>in</strong>itial corrective focus<br />

Condition H:<br />

<strong>in</strong>itial corrective focus,<br />

right dislocated<br />

{ * }υ phonological utterance<br />

[ * ]ι <strong>in</strong>tonational phrase<br />

( * )φ ( * )φ phonological phrase<br />

Germanico vorrebbe <strong>in</strong>vitare Pierangela<br />

Germanico would like to <strong>in</strong>vite Pierangela<br />

{ * }υ phonological utterance<br />

[ * ]ι <strong>in</strong>tonational phrase<br />

( * )φ ( * )φ phonological phrase<br />

[Germanico] CF vorrebbe <strong>in</strong>vitare Pierangela<br />

Germanico would like to <strong>in</strong>vite Pierangela<br />

{ * }υ phonological utterance<br />

[ * ]ι [ * ]ι <strong>in</strong>tonational phrase<br />

( * )φ ( * )φ ( * )φ phonological phrase<br />

[Germanico] CF la vorrebbe <strong>in</strong>vitare [Pierangela] RDed<br />

Germanico her-would like to <strong>in</strong>vite Pierangela<br />

Table 4. Metrical representations of the experimental sentences accord<strong>in</strong>g to Bocci <strong>and</strong><br />

Avesani’s (2011) analysis<br />

14

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