Peace and Security Review, Vol.1 No. 2 - International Centre for ...
Peace and Security Review, Vol.1 No. 2 - International Centre for ...
Peace and Security Review, Vol.1 No. 2 - International Centre for ...
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60 <strong>Peace</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Security</strong> <strong>Review</strong> <strong>Vol.1</strong>, <strong>No</strong>.2, Second Quarter, 2008<br />
transferred to augment 4 th Infantry Division. All three divisions were placed<br />
under the Operational Comm<strong>and</strong> of the CEMCOM. 34 These three Divisions<br />
did not defeat the MNLF, but it provided sufficient time <strong>for</strong> the government to<br />
organize a unified response. Part of the ef<strong>for</strong>t was to consolidate the organizational<br />
ease provided by the declaration of Martial Law on September 11,<br />
1971. This provided the Marcos government the ability to place development<br />
agencies directly supporting military campaigns under a central comm<strong>and</strong>.<br />
One tangible offshoot of this policy was a massive reconstruction program,<br />
dubbed the “Reconstruction <strong>and</strong> Development Program in Muslim Mindanao”<br />
that provided an inter-agency coordinative framework <strong>for</strong> development<br />
initiatives. 35 Marcos has not only succeeded in luring the MNLF through its<br />
Chairman Nur Misuari to sign a peace agreement 36 in 1976 at Tripoli Libya,<br />
but also succeeded in taking advantage of the internal rift between the traditional<br />
leaders <strong>and</strong> the MNLF Moro progressive leaders led by Nur Misuari to<br />
rift animosity.<br />
Marcos like the US, used the Datus <strong>and</strong> their influence in both the military<br />
<strong>and</strong> non-military campaigns to assist the Philippine government. The Philippine<br />
government introduce the Barangay Self-Defense Unit (BSDU), a community<br />
based para-military <strong>for</strong>ces that allowed the armed supporters of the Datus<br />
(traditional leaders) to legally acquire firearms <strong>and</strong> defend their communities.<br />
In the political front, Marcos implemented his own interpretation of the<br />
Tripoli agreement in 1976, <strong>and</strong> unilaterally established two autonomous<br />
region in Mindanao ⎯ Region 9 <strong>and</strong> 12. This policy was complemented by a<br />
massive infrastructure development, such as roads, schools <strong>and</strong> scholarship<br />
<strong>for</strong> Muslims.<br />
Marcos used the Martial Law regime to make the Philippine Constabulary<br />
<strong>and</strong> the Integrated National Police as a fourth major service comm<strong>and</strong> of the<br />
Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), alongside the Army, Navy <strong>and</strong> Air<br />
<strong>for</strong>ce. To further establish a unified comm<strong>and</strong> structure, Marcos created the<br />
Armed Forces of the Philippines Southern Comm<strong>and</strong> which created a unified<br />
comm<strong>and</strong> structure <strong>for</strong> the whole Mindanao Isl<strong>and</strong>. Marcos had the opportunity<br />
to defeat the insurgency, but failed to deliver on the promised political<br />
<strong>and</strong> development issues. Some suggests that temporary success of divide<br />
<strong>and</strong> rule will finally calmed the secessionist movement. Instead, he further<br />
34 Ampatuan, 2002.<br />
35 Presidential Task Force on the Reconstruction <strong>and</strong> Development of Muslim Mindanao, Vol. 1,<br />
1973, pp. i-iii.<br />
36 “The Tripoli Agreement,” MNLF Website, accessed on 25 February 2008, http://mnlf.net/<br />
The_Tripoli.htm.<br />
<strong>Vol.1</strong>, <strong>No</strong>.2 2008 pp.49-76