29.10.2014 Views

Peace and Security Review, Vol.1 No. 2 - International Centre for ...

Peace and Security Review, Vol.1 No. 2 - International Centre for ...

Peace and Security Review, Vol.1 No. 2 - International Centre for ...

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

74 <strong>Peace</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Security</strong> <strong>Review</strong> <strong>Vol.1</strong>, <strong>No</strong>.2, Second Quarter, 2008<br />

so they will be seen as protectors, rather than police <strong>for</strong> other parts of<br />

the country that will always be considered occupiers.<br />

• To enlist the support of the population, the Philippine government<br />

<strong>and</strong> the Regional government in the autonomous region should jointly<br />

strive to create an environment where the Moros can live with security,<br />

stability <strong>and</strong> dignity. For its part, the central government should make<br />

every ef<strong>for</strong>t to build a national consensus to grant a genuine autonomy<br />

to Bangsamoro people. The Philippine government should consider<br />

compensation of those displaced by the Christian settlers if only to<br />

prevent further animosity <strong>for</strong> the settler Christians <strong>and</strong> the native<br />

Muslims.<br />

• The Philippine government should ensure that the Autonomous region<br />

will have the rule of law. It should make the Autonomous government<br />

accountable <strong>for</strong> its actions <strong>and</strong> corruption must not be left unpunished.<br />

• There are four stakeholders that evolved through decades of conflict<br />

in the Moro areas: the traditional leaders (datu/sultan), the MNLF,<br />

the MILF <strong>and</strong> the Christian settler’s leaders. There must be a political<br />

dialogue, consultation <strong>and</strong> consensus among these leaders in order to<br />

achieve peace.<br />

• On the diplomatic front, United States should consider being involved<br />

in the peace process by either complementing the ef<strong>for</strong>ts of the<br />

Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) or by itself should<br />

make proactive ef<strong>for</strong>ts to reach out a just <strong>and</strong> acceptable political<br />

settlement.<br />

V. CONCLUSION<br />

“In the absence of a comprehensive national plan, the individual application<br />

of selected tactics <strong>and</strong> policies can prolong a conflict or even result in outright<br />

failure,” conclude Hoffman <strong>and</strong> Morrison-taw. 65 This observation aptly sums<br />

up the Philippine approach in the Bangsamoro Southern Philippines. The<br />

government’s sustained emphasis on military measures without the corresponding<br />

socio-economic initiatives <strong>and</strong> political strategic objective has<br />

prolonged the conflict. Incoherent <strong>and</strong> inconsistent government policies have<br />

negated the impact of several positive initiatives taken in the campaign. The<br />

Tripoli agreement of 1976 <strong>and</strong> 1996 <strong>Peace</strong> Agreement were lost Philippine<br />

government opportunities to end the conflict.<br />

65 Ibid.<br />

<strong>Vol.1</strong>, <strong>No</strong>.2 2008 pp.49-76

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!