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Peace and Security Review, Vol.1 No. 2 - International Centre for ...

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Badrul A. Khan South Asia <strong>and</strong> Regionalism 83<br />

moved to a more privatized economy with input from an ever exp<strong>and</strong>ing IT<br />

industry <strong>and</strong> lucrative investment opportunity. There are suggestions that by<br />

2050 India will overtake China <strong>and</strong> Japan in gross national product.<br />

However, India’s galloping developmental pace has created new problems<br />

<strong>for</strong> intra-regional relationship. Most states in South Asia unlike India have<br />

not been able to overcome the weight of colonially inherited systems <strong>and</strong><br />

remain economically backward. The asymmetry is so extensive that South<br />

Asia may well have acquired a centre-periphery pattern whereby the structural<br />

division of wealth <strong>and</strong> labour has gained a relation of dependency. While in<br />

the past the relationship between the global <strong>and</strong> the local as a philosophical<br />

problem of the general <strong>and</strong> the specific would be explained from a structural-systematic<br />

division of the global order, regions <strong>and</strong> South Asia in<br />

particular may well be coopted in the same paradigmatic framework so that<br />

a localised version of centre ⎯ periphery relation with India as the centre<br />

while the rest as the periphery takes place. A regional division of labour with<br />

periphery as the supplier of raw materials <strong>and</strong> centre exporting manufacturing<br />

good to the extent that periphery is dependent upon centre is now unfolding.<br />

This micro-political change complicates the traditional region versus centre or<br />

centre ⎯ periphery relationship of the global <strong>and</strong> with it the very integrative<br />

process of South Asia.<br />

Apart from economics two more areas may be identified as relevant in<br />

the extension of this asymmetry. India’s military is one of the largest in the<br />

world (PINR, 2004) <strong>and</strong> presently undergoing a quantum leap in modernization.<br />

Modernization plan has placed specific focus on reshaping India’s air defence<br />

system (S -300VM), with nuclear capable long-range bombers <strong>and</strong> technology<br />

such as unmanned reconnaissance aircraft <strong>and</strong> air launched munitions,<br />

supplied mostly by Russia <strong>and</strong> Israel. Earmarked <strong>for</strong> the next 15 years, the<br />

$95 billion allocated <strong>for</strong> the modernisation will fund project “Seabird”<br />

consisting of the Karwar naval base, “an air <strong>for</strong>ce station,” a naval armament<br />

depot, <strong>and</strong> missile ⎯ silos, all to be realised in the next five years (PINR,<br />

2005). More importantly, perhaps is the strategic 10-year defence agreement,<br />

which India has signed with the US setting itself distinctively away from its<br />

regional competitors. The regional countries have always been apprehensive<br />

of being swamped by Hindu religion, by which India is described culturally<br />

<strong>and</strong> which acts as a powerful tool of restless disjuncture <strong>for</strong> other countries<br />

where identity relies on religions other than Hindu (Islam <strong>and</strong> Buddhism).<br />

This fear had found further reflection in the cold war politics played out<br />

between states during the early post-colonial period. India’s policy of<br />

friendship towards Soviet Union in the 50s had led Pakistan to ally with<br />

China <strong>and</strong> the USA, which further intensified this fear by the continuance of<br />

<strong>Vol.1</strong>, <strong>No</strong>.2 2008 pp.77-93

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