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Peace and Security Review, Vol.1 No. 2 - International Centre for ...

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Taharudin Ampatuan Philippines’ Counter Insurgency <strong>and</strong> Terrorism 63<br />

role or supporting role. As experienced, military can be trained as community<br />

organizers <strong>and</strong> per<strong>for</strong>m limited law en<strong>for</strong>cement role. One should not <strong>for</strong>get<br />

that a counter insurgency campaign is an internal security operations ⎯ a<br />

socio-economic <strong>and</strong> political conflict. One should not see military involve in<br />

counterinsurgency as the one conventionally portrayed in the movies as seize<br />

<strong>and</strong> destroy individuals because in insurgency situation he is an organizer,<br />

social worker <strong>and</strong> the representative of the government rolled into one.<br />

In an ef<strong>for</strong>t to address the lack of unity of comm<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> to recognize<br />

the nature of the conflict, the government upgraded the counter insurgency<br />

to a cabinet level activity, removing it from the sole authority of the Defense<br />

department. This allowed the national development agencies to synchronize<br />

<strong>and</strong> integrate its programs with the overall national security establishment.<br />

The idea is to pen a whole-of-government approach, which requires the whole<br />

mechanisms of government in addressing the insurgency <strong>for</strong> both the communist<br />

<strong>and</strong> secessionist movement or terrorism. A National Internal <strong>Security</strong><br />

Plan (NISP) was also crafted that outlines <strong>and</strong> defines agencies responsibilities. 44<br />

The NISP contains a comprehensive plan to address the communist insurgency<br />

but not the Bangsamoro secessionist movement. NISP identified the critical<br />

question as a socio-economic l<strong>and</strong> re<strong>for</strong>m issue that confused the objectives<br />

of the communist insurgency with the political dem<strong>and</strong> of the Moros <strong>for</strong> self<br />

determination (autonomy). Hence, the plan could not be implemented in the<br />

Moro areas, except <strong>for</strong> the military component.<br />

Another flaw was the attempt to establish an Area Coordination Center<br />

(ACC) in every province, especially in the Muslim provinces. It was a noble<br />

attempt of the central government to synchronize programs, but it failed<br />

because the framework runs counter to the decentralization policy which is<br />

constitutionally m<strong>and</strong>ated <strong>and</strong> under the Local Government Code. The government<br />

should have initiated a legislated policy that combines all councils<br />

from local to strategic level, rather than creating a structure that only undermines<br />

existing institutional mechanisms in placed.<br />

The whole idea of whole-of government approach is novel but it must<br />

be tailored to the existing structure. Instead of duplication <strong>and</strong> redundancy, it<br />

must strengthened existing structure or provide mechanisms <strong>for</strong> convergence<br />

<strong>and</strong> collaboration. For instance, instead of creating an area coordinating centre,<br />

the <strong>Peace</strong> <strong>and</strong> Order Council should have been strengthened <strong>and</strong> since the<br />

Local Executive has power as chairman of all local boards <strong>and</strong> councils, a<br />

comprehensive plan should have integrated the basic function of public<br />

44 Executive Order <strong>No</strong>. 21 (19 June 2001), “Creating a Coordinative <strong>and</strong> Integrative System on<br />

Internal <strong>Security</strong>.”<br />

<strong>Vol.1</strong>, <strong>No</strong>.2 2008 pp.49-76

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