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History Matters: Path dependence and innovation in British city ...

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Figure 16: Inverse Herf<strong>in</strong>dahl-Hirschman <strong>in</strong>dex of diversity <strong>in</strong> selected cities 1981-2005<br />

0.008<br />

0.007<br />

0.006<br />

Inverse<br />

H-H <strong>in</strong>dex<br />

of diversity<br />

0.005<br />

0.004<br />

0.003<br />

0.002<br />

0.001<br />

0<br />

1981 1991<br />

2005<br />

Years<br />

Read<strong>in</strong>g Leeds Oxford Aldershot Cambridge<br />

Northampton Warr<strong>in</strong>gton Great Brita<strong>in</strong><br />

Newport<br />

Swansea Wakefield Norwich Middlesbrough<br />

to structural <strong>and</strong> technological ‘sclerosis’,<br />

<strong>and</strong> hence the more vulnerable to shifts <strong>in</strong><br />

competition, trade <strong>and</strong> technology.<br />

These propositions can be tested by calculat<strong>in</strong>g<br />

the <strong>in</strong>verse Herf<strong>in</strong>dahl-Hirschman (H-H) <strong>in</strong>dex<br />

of market concentration. Figure 16 shows these<br />

calculations for our sample of cities over the<br />

period from 1981 to 2005. It may be seen that<br />

the <strong>British</strong> economy as a whole has become<br />

less diverse over the period. This is mirrored<br />

<strong>in</strong> most of our sample of cities with the<br />

exceptions of Wakefield <strong>and</strong> Middlesbrough<br />

although neither of them was among the most<br />

diverse economies by 2005.<br />

The relationship between diversity <strong>in</strong> the form<br />

of unrelated variety <strong>and</strong> new path creation <strong>in</strong><br />

our sample of cities is not strong. Thus, Figure<br />

17 shows the correlation between the <strong>in</strong>verse<br />

H-H <strong>in</strong>dex of market concentration – diversity<br />

– <strong>and</strong> new firm formation <strong>in</strong> our sample for<br />

2005. Although the relationship is positive it is<br />

not strong: the R2 is only 0.1782. This suggests<br />

that Jacobs’ type variety <strong>and</strong> diversity on their<br />

own may not be major sources of new path<br />

creation <strong>in</strong> urban economies. Instead we argue<br />

that groups of sectors or ‘clustered variety’<br />

appear more effective at generat<strong>in</strong>g new<br />

pathways than simple diversity on its own.<br />

We are not able to f<strong>in</strong>d relevant secondary<br />

datasets to analyse possible transplantations<br />

from elsewhere or the upgrad<strong>in</strong>g of exist<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>in</strong>dustries <strong>in</strong> the economies of our sample<br />

of cities. This needs the k<strong>in</strong>ds of detailed<br />

historical analysis that we beg<strong>in</strong> to use <strong>in</strong> the<br />

next chapter.<br />

2.7 Conclusions<br />

We have argued that, once started, the sectoral<br />

structures of <strong>city</strong>-regional economies develop<br />

along those pathways over long periods of<br />

time. Cities whose m<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g, heavy <strong>in</strong>dustries<br />

<strong>and</strong> manufactur<strong>in</strong>g made them world leaders<br />

<strong>in</strong> the 19th century still bear the legacies of<br />

those activities today. In practice it has proved<br />

33

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