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Migrants, Minorities, Belongings and Citizenship. Glocalization and ...

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‘territory’ stronger than ever (Rokkan 1982). The territoriality principle – instead of<br />

ethnicity – now determined the boundaries of the demos (Bauböck 1994). Blood<br />

affiliation (jus sanguinis) as a criterion almost disappeared, whereas territorial origin (jus<br />

soli) became the primary determinant of membership <strong>and</strong> participation in citizenship<br />

theories (Rokkan 1971, 1975).<br />

In the period after 1990, immigrants’ ambiguous presence in Western democracies<br />

prompted a new ethical challenge to this demos concept. This resulted in a stronger<br />

focus on another type of territoriality principle, namely the residence principle (jus<br />

domicile), as a membership <strong>and</strong> belonging criterion. The residence principle is now<br />

acceptable to most citizenship theories. The recent recognition of the residence principle<br />

in citizenship theories eliminates to a larger extent than before the limitations that the<br />

demos concept previously posed to the ideal of inclusion. This is because it potentially<br />

legitimizes new claims to participation by people of different belongings. Therefore, the<br />

third extension of the demos concept has resulted in conceptualizations of citizenship<br />

such as ‘Transnational <strong>Citizenship</strong>’ (Bauböck 1994), ‘Postnational <strong>Citizenship</strong>’ (Soysal<br />

1994), ‘Global <strong>Citizenship</strong>’ (Falk 1994), <strong>and</strong> ‘Post-Westphalian citizenship’ (Linklater<br />

1982).<br />

However, since ‘demos’ is now primarily defined as persons permanently resident in the<br />

democratic nation state’s territory, the legitimacy of membership <strong>and</strong> claim to participate<br />

is also fundamentally determined by territorial belonging, i.e. in terms of individuals’<br />

‘establishedness’ in the territory. Still implying the citizen/alien paradigm, this<br />

perspective leaves us with four fundamental anomalies pertaining to the relationships<br />

between inclusion, participation, co-existence, <strong>and</strong> mobility:<br />

● based on the classical distinction between ‘historical native minorities’ <strong>and</strong> ‘new<br />

immigrant minorities’, immigrants are regarded as second-class citizens (Linklater<br />

1982, 1998; Young 1990);<br />

● the factor of individual’s <strong>and</strong> groups’ increasing physical mobility between spaces<br />

<strong>and</strong> their ‘psychic mobility’ (Lerner 1958) between references of identification,<br />

which basically refers to new forms of belonging, is not addressed satisfactorily<br />

(Bauman 1995);<br />

● citizenship theories’ assumption of “stable borders” <strong>and</strong> “fixed boundaries” no<br />

longer apply to the European context;<br />

● citizenship theories’ assumption of discrete belongings, loyalties <strong>and</strong> identities is no<br />

longer a universally valid fact.<br />

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