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RACE AND THE ENFORCEMENT OF DRUG DELIVERY LAWS IN ...

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sources and methods of analysis are consistent with each other, social scientists<br />

have more confidence in their findings and conclusions. 30<br />

This report considers a wide range of data sources in order to assess the nature of<br />

Seattle’s drug markets and to estimate the racial composition of those who<br />

deliver serious drugs in Seattle. These data sources, along with their strengths<br />

and limitations, are described in the body of the report. In addition, this study<br />

uses the two analytic strategies previously described to analyze racial disparities<br />

in Seattle drug arrests: comparing the racial composition of those arrested for<br />

drug delivery in Seattle with (a) the racial composition of those arrested for that<br />

offense in other comparable cities; and (b) the racial composition of those who<br />

deliver serious illicit drugs in Seattle. The analysis then considers a variety of<br />

possible explanations for racially disparate arrest outcomes. The results of this<br />

analysis indicate that the SPD’s focus on the crack cocaine market is the<br />

fundamental cause of racial disproportionality in drug delivery arrests. This<br />

report then turns to whether this focus is a consequence of race-neutral policy<br />

considerations. Evidence that the focus on crack cocaine is not a function of raceneutral<br />

policy considerations supports the claim that the focus on crack cocaine is<br />

not a race-neutral policy or practice.<br />

In the present study, “purposeful” arrests include those that result from buy-bust<br />

operations, narcotics search warrants, other narcotics investigations, and “seepops”<br />

(police observations that result from the purposeful deployment of law<br />

enforcement officers for the purpose of drug law enforcement). “Serious drugs”<br />

include all illicit narcotics other than marijuana. 31 Only arrests conducted by the<br />

SPD that took place within Seattle city limits were included in the analysis. 32<br />

Finally, “delivery arrests” include those involving allegations of three legally<br />

comparable offenses: narcotics delivery, possession with the intent to deliver, or<br />

manufacture of a controlled substance.<br />

Part I of the report provides an overview of the Seattle drug market, as well as<br />

the racial/ethnic composition of those who use and deliver serious drugs in<br />

Seattle. The evidence indicates that the majority of those who use and deliver<br />

30 Jick 1979; Schutt 1996. For examples of academic and governmental research on illicit drug<br />

markets that employ this approach, see Darke, Kaey and Topp 2002; Ritter 2005; Shedlin et.al.,<br />

in progress; Topp, Breen and Darke 2004; Wilkins et. al. 2005; United Nationals International<br />

Drug Program 2000; World Health Organization 2008.<br />

31<br />

However, the results of the arrest analysis do not change if prescription drugs are excluded, as<br />

the SPD made no arrests for delivery of only prescription drugs during the sample period.<br />

32<br />

Some of these SPD arrests were the result of joint operations with other agencies.<br />

14

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