RACE AND THE ENFORCEMENT OF DRUG DELIVERY LAWS IN ...

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In short, the results of the survey indicate that majority of those who provide needle exchangers with illicit substances are white, a substantial minority are Latino/Hispanic and only 14.3 percent are black. Theoretically, it is possible that the racial and ethnic differences between the survey respondents and nonrespondents could be reducing levels of black involvement in drug delivery indicated by the needle exchange survey. Specifically, the fact that the nonresponse rate was higher for blacks than whites could reduce the proportion of drug deliverers identified as black. However, if non-respondents (whose race/ethnicity was recorded) are included in the analysis, and we assume that the same user-dealer relationships that existed for respondents exist for all needle exchangers, 81 the proportion of deliveries estimated to involve black deliverers only increases by one-tenth of one percent, and the proportion that involve whites is unchanged. 82 The fact that the results change very little when nonrespondents are included reflects the fact that only 34 percent of black needle exchangers acquired their drugs from a black person; the majority obtained their drugs from either a white or Latino person. The comparatively low level of black involvement in drug delivery indicated by the needle exchange survey thus appears not to be a function of lower response rates among black needle exchangers. ETHNOGRAPHIC OBSERVATIONS The aforementioned observational study of two outdoor drug venues provides additional evidence that a majority of those who deliver illicit drugs in Seattle are white. This is true despite the fact that the study includes only outdoor drug activity and focuses on those at the bottom of the drug distribution hierarchy, features sometimes thought to explain black over-representation among drug arrestees. 83 According to these results, 84 percent of those who were observed delivering drugs in Capitol Hill, and half (49.5 percent) of those observed delivering drugs downtown, were white. A clear majority (56.8 percent) of those observed delivering drugs in either of these venues were white (see Table 7). 81 There is no apparent reason to suspect that the race/ethnicity of the person who supplied the needle exchanger with a drug would influence needle exchangers’ willingness to complete a survey. It is therefore reasonable to assume that the same user-dealer relationships exist among respondents and non-respondents. 82 This result was obtained by multiplying the number of black, Latino, white, and “other” users by the difference between the share of each group in the respondent population and total needle exchanger population. 83 See Duster 1997; Goode 2002. 43
Table 7. Racial and Ethnic Composition of Observed Drug Deliverers, Capitol Hill and Downtown Seattle, 2007 Capitol Hill (n=55) White Black Hispanic Native American/ Alaska Native Asian 83.6% 9.1% 3.6% 0 1.8% Downtown (n=204) All Drug Transactions (n=259) 49.5% 33.3% 14.2% 1% .5% 56.8% 28.2% 12% .8% .8% Source: Kris Nyrop, “Demographic Comparisons of Two Public Venue Drug Markets in Seattle.” RACE, ETHNICITY AND THE SEATTLE DRUG MARKET: CONCLUSIONS The data analyzed in this section support several conclusions. First, the Seattle market for serious illegal drugs is substantial: over 18 percent of all Seattle residents report having used a serious illegal drug (i.e., an illicit drug other than marijuana) in the previous year. Rates of serious drug use appear to be even higher among Seattle youth: over one-fourth of all Seattle public school students in grades 6–12 report having used a serious illegal drug in the previous month. Among the adult and student populations, the most popular serious drugs are ecstasy, cocaine, hallucinogens and stimulants. However, because these surveys miss the homeless, transient and institutionalized, they may undercount other categories of serious drug use, especially injection drug use. King County health officials estimate that the county is home to 15,000–18,000 IDUs. The evidence indicates that most of the IDUs who exchange needles in King County live and obtain their drugs inside Seattle; the most commonly injected drugs are heroin, powder cocaine and methamphetamine. Among those admitted to public treatment programs, cocaine (mostly smoked and injected), heroin and methamphetamine are most commonly abused. Robust markets for all serious drugs, including all forms of cocaine, ecstasy, heroin, methamphetamine and prescription drugs, appear to exist in Seattle. Second, multiple data sources indicate that the majority of those who use serious drugs in Seattle are white. This is the case despite the fact that most of the data 44
Page 1 and 2: RACE AND DRUG LAW ENFORCEMENT IN SE
Page 3 and 4: This report was commissioned as par
Page 5 and 6: LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES PAGE TAB
Page 7 and 8: Figure 9. Purposeful Seattle Drug D
Page 10 and 11: SUMMARY OF KEY FINDINGS FINDING 1 T
Page 12 and 13: FINDING 4 The focus on crack cocain
Page 14 and 15: INTRODUCTION Less than 5 percent of
Page 16 and 17: RACIAL DISPARITIES IN SEATTLE DRUG
Page 18 and 19: Table 1. Black and White Drug Arres
Page 20 and 21: esearchers found that rates of drug
Page 22 and 23: RESEARCH DESIGN AND ORGANIZATION OF
Page 24: serious drugs in Seattle are white.
Page 27 and 28: users: “Persons at almost all lev
Page 29 and 30: as the goal is to provide samples o
Page 31 and 32: percent of white Seattle residents,
Page 33 and 34: acial/ethnic groups. These data ind
Page 35 and 36: When approaching clients, surveyors
Page 37 and 38: youth. However, these surveys likel
Page 39 and 40: 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%
Page 41 and 42: or partially publicly-funded treatm
Page 43 and 44: Primary Drug of Abuse Cocaine (all
Page 45 and 46: system at the time of their death w
Page 47 and 48: did not transfer drugs to the buyer
Page 49 and 50: Insofar as many drug users knowingl
Page 51: the person who provided these subst
Page 55 and 56: Table 8. Summary of Data Pertaining
Page 57 and 58: ut only 89 for methamphetamine, ecs
Page 59 and 60: time. 87 As noted previously, this
Page 61 and 62: Drug delivery arrests continue to b
Page 63 and 64: In sum, many of the arrest patterns
Page 65 and 66: Table 10. Racial Disparity in Drug
Page 68 and 69: PART III: EXPLAINING RACIAL DISPARI
Page 70 and 71: that a higher percentage of whites
Page 72 and 73: After clients had completed their s
Page 74 and 75: Table 13. Racial and Ethnic Composi
Page 76 and 77: whites engaging in the same behavio
Page 78 and 79: Analysis of the patterns found in t
Page 80 and 81: Table 16. Statistical Significance
Page 82 and 83: In sum, the evidence shows that rac
Page 84 and 85: those delivering drugs downtown wer
Page 86 and 87: for delivering a serious drug in Se
Page 88 and 89: to danger, instantaneous addiction
Page 90 and 91: 9.6 percent primarily abused other
Page 92 and 93: percent of those delivering drugs d
Page 94 and 95: officers made a drug arrest, issued
Page 96 and 97: Figure 18. Geographic Distribution
Page 98 and 99: Figure 20. Geographic Distribution
Page 100 and 101: As these maps illustrate, civilian
Page 102 and 103:
and infant health by crack cocaine
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Although the crack trade has been a
Page 106:
Weapons were more likely to be seiz
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supports an alternative explanation
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Buckman, Charles, and John Lamberth
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Hagedorn, John M. 1994. “Homeboys
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Murphy, Sheigla and Dan Waldorf. 19
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Ritter, Alison. 2005. A Review of A
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United Nations International Drug C
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APPENDIX B: UNRELIABLE 9-1-1 CALL E
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Complaint: Arrival: Officer Update:
Page 126:
ABOUT THE AUTHOR Katherine Beckett
Page 130:
THE DEFENDER ASSOCIATION
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