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The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca

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• 206 • Julian D.Richards<br />

available. Although there is little change in the staple meat species, there is a marked increase in<br />

those species identified as suitable for raising in backyards, such as pigs, geese and fowl. <strong>The</strong> fish<br />

bones show intensive exploitation <strong>of</strong> the river; plant remains, including moss, elder, blackberry,<br />

raspberry and sloe, reflect exploitation <strong>of</strong> lo<strong>ca</strong>l woodland resources. By the late tenth century, the<br />

exploitation pattern now has more in common with that seen in medieval York. Whereas the<br />

food supply <strong>of</strong> the <strong>An</strong>glo-Saxon wic had been dependent upon a food rent system run by the<br />

elite, the Viking Age traders and craftsmen had greater freedom <strong>of</strong> operation than their controlled<br />

predecessors. Here we may see the emergence, therefore, <strong>of</strong> an independent mer<strong>ca</strong>ntile urban<br />

class whose livelihood was based upon trade and exchange rather than redistribution (O’Connor<br />

1994).<br />

Commercial trade would have been dependent upon the development <strong>of</strong> a monetary<br />

economy. By the late tenth century, there were some 50–60 mints operating <strong>from</strong> burhs and<br />

major towns throughout England. <strong>The</strong> Isle <strong>of</strong> Man too began producing its own distinctive<br />

Hiberno-Manx coinage, although this may not have functioned as a full currency. <strong>The</strong> process<br />

was much slower in Scotland, and Scottish hoards indi<strong>ca</strong>te that a monetary economy was not<br />

operating in the fringes <strong>of</strong> the British Isles until much later. Scottish hoards, such as that <strong>from</strong><br />

Skaill, Orkney, contain not only imported silver coins but also hack-silver (i.e. fragments <strong>of</strong><br />

silver objects that have been chopped up to use simply as bullion) and ring-money (i.e. plain<br />

silver arm rings, which were a convenient way <strong>of</strong> <strong>ca</strong>rrying measurable wealth). In England,<br />

imported silver was converted into the <strong>of</strong>ficial coinage. At each mint, a number <strong>of</strong> private<br />

individuals, or moneyers, took responsibility for the coinage on behalf <strong>of</strong> royal authority. Whilst<br />

coins <strong>ca</strong>rried the name <strong>of</strong> the ruler on their obverse, on the reverse the name <strong>of</strong> the moneyer<br />

appeared. Chester, being the entry point <strong>from</strong> Dublin, be<strong>ca</strong>me an important centre for coin<br />

production, and 24 moneyers worked there <strong>from</strong> 924–39. Although not all those with<br />

S<strong>ca</strong>ndinavian names may have been settlers, it is still signifi<strong>ca</strong>nt that by the reign <strong>of</strong> Ethelred,<br />

75 per cent <strong>of</strong> York’s moneyers, and 50 per cent <strong>of</strong> Lincoln’s, bore S<strong>ca</strong>ndinavian names (see<br />

papers in Blackburn 1986).<br />

<strong>The</strong> church<br />

In the countryside, it seems that S<strong>ca</strong>ndinavian settlers presided over the fragmentation <strong>of</strong><br />

great estates, establishing manorial centres and accelerating the market in the buying and selling<br />

<strong>of</strong> land. Alongside this we see a boom in the creation <strong>of</strong> rural parishes and parish churches,<br />

notably in the tenth and early eleventh centuries. By the time <strong>of</strong> the Domesday Book, there<br />

were demonstrably over 2,600 lo<strong>ca</strong>l churches (Morris 1989). This explosion in church<br />

construction was a by-product <strong>of</strong> the quest for status <strong>of</strong> new landowners. <strong>The</strong> possession <strong>of</strong> a<br />

church was an important status symbol, as well as a source <strong>of</strong> income. Most <strong>of</strong> the manorial<br />

churches were new buildings, although some were adapted <strong>from</strong> existing minster or monastic<br />

sites. Many probably began as wooden buildings, but most were soon transformed into impressive<br />

stone buildings. <strong>The</strong> new churches generally started as simple, small, rectangular boxes to<br />

provide a nave, although chancels were <strong>of</strong>ten added later. At Wharram Percy, North Yorkshire,<br />

a small timber church was established in the tenth century, perhaps as a private chapel <strong>of</strong> an<br />

<strong>An</strong>glo-S<strong>ca</strong>ndinavian lord. This was enlarged in the eleventh century by a small, two-celled<br />

church consisting <strong>of</strong> a nave and chancel. <strong>The</strong> church be<strong>ca</strong>me a focus for burials <strong>of</strong> the early<br />

lords <strong>of</strong> the Percy manor, and later <strong>of</strong> the parish (Beresford and Hurst 1990). At Raunds, a<br />

small, rectangular, late ninth- or tenth-century church was erected on a stone foundation adjacent<br />

to the manorial enclosure. In the eleventh century, this building was replaced by a larger church,<br />

15m long, which by this time must have been serving the residents <strong>of</strong> the surrounding settlements<br />

who were buried in the graveyard.

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