306D. HELLEBRANDT & L. HELLEBRANDTThe contexts are obviously more complex than ahandful of concepts can describe, and those shownin the diagram seek to add to the interpretation of thenews cycle without reference to excessivelytechnical or subjective descriptions which woulddetract from the analysis and add bias to theinterpretation of results.The cycle itself is related to a particularinterpretation of news production, as indicated abovein the section “Theoretical framework – mediarepresentation” (Material and Methods). Suchinterpretation follows from an understanding ofsociety which assumes the existence of a private anda public sphere (Habermas 1989). As this study isconcerned, each sphere is related to different butinterconnected contexts of production andconsumption of news; the production of news takesplace initially in the public sphere, whereprofessional, technological and institutional factorsdetermine the context – shown in figure 4 asacademic institutions, journals and news outlets. Forinstance, the role of the market-related aspects of thepublic sphere in determining the social constructionof news has been focus of media studies for morethan a decade – for a comprehensive review, seeGamson et al. (1992).In the following stages, news are consumedin the private sphere, where personal and subjectivefactors are predominant in defining the context – infigure 4 represented by the individuals who make upthe different groups of news readers – teachers,researchers, politicians, etc. These steps are notinsulated from each other, quite the opposite, thereare feedbacks and interferences, as well asindividual actors which can stride both spheres - asnoted, for example, by Doulton and Brown (2009) inthe case of academic researchers and nongovernmentalactors which can be involved inseveral stages of the production and consumption ofnews. These connections cannot be <strong>full</strong>y appreciatedat the level of analysis aimed at in this paper, neithercan they be <strong>full</strong>y depicted in a single diagram.Nonetheless, we seek to ackowledge their existence,and draw attention to their potential role in the newscycle production by representing them as greyarrows in figure 4.The latter aspect is particularly relevant to acritical perspective on how the media representsenvironmental <strong>issue</strong>s. It connects direclty to whatCarvalho and Burgess (2005) call “diachronicmodel” (see Fig. 1), a explanation of how news areproduced and consumed which expressly aims toinclude changes to society through time. In thatperspective, the so-called “circuits of culture” arenot closed circuits, but a succession of interrelatedcycles which allow us to understand howconstruction of news changes along with changes insociety and culture. By adopting this view we maybe able to unravel the mechanisms which lead tolong-established patterns of news production, suchas the focus on extreme climatic events (Boykoff &Roberts 2007), as well as explain sudden changes tothe news agenda, as in the case of attractive newsheadlines offered by celebrities statements (Boykoff,2009). The diachronic model of circuits of culturehelps to clarify the roles of different actors and theexistence of feedbacks along construction of news,as the interaction of research community and mediaand the consequent evolving focus on climatechange thorugh 19 years of news coverage demonstratedby Burgess and Carvalho (2005).Some aspects of this case are illustrative ofhow the social construction of meaning affects thecommunication of scientific findings, as well as theirrelevance for policy. Firstly, the focus on the impactof sea level rise in New York seems to render thenews more attractive. The coverage in all threepapers suggests that editors and/or journalists fromindependent news companies, thus irrespective ofspecific professional contexts, judged the same newsto be relevant. As to what criteria they used, we canonly speculate, but it might be related to the fact thatthe text stresses the risk of floods and extremeevents, with views on possible disaster scenarios.The tendency to report on episodic events has beenidentified in the literature (Boykoff & Roberts,2007), which also points out to the loss of contextthat the excessive focus on the “disaster” aspect cancause to the reporting of environmental news.Furthermore, these findings suggest that despite theexistence of well-defined policy <strong>issue</strong>s relatingcoasts and climate change in the Brazilian and LatinAmerican context contex (see introduction), themedia tend to ignore this connections in therepresentation of the theme. In this case, this is doneby literally reproducing news related to a foreigncontext. A similar detachment between news andpolicy has been noted in other studies, whichhighlight how the media focus on narrow <strong>issue</strong>s indetriment of broader discussion of social and policyrelatedtopics (Hayes et al. 2007).Secondly, the reproduction of content frominternational news agencies might be related tofinancial and institutional aspects of journalismwhich are reason for concern in the specific caseof reporting environmental and scientific <strong>issue</strong>s:these are not regarded as priority and often do notreceive funds or editorial support, with fewcorporations interested to maintain specialised staff(Hannigan, 2006, Gamson et al. 1992). As a result,Pan-American Journal of Aquatic Sciences (2010), 5(2): 298-309
Representation of climate change in the media307environmental news end up being covered withready-made content which allows the newscompanies to save on resources and personnel. Forthese reasons, it is reasonable to argue that we aremore likely to be informed about the impact of sealevel rise in New York, as told by indirect sources,than to hear an account of how the Brazilian coastcould be affected by climate change, told by a localjournalists with the ability to provide rich context tothe story.ConclusionsFindings from this study show that Braziliannewspapers tend represent the climate change themealong similar lines used by the English-speakingpress, that is, largely following high-profile events.The predominance of <strong>issue</strong>s set by an internationalscientific and political agenda in the Brazilian mediaand relative absence of references to the coastalsetting on the national coverage point to the need ofa urgent review of priorities in the communication ofscientific and environmental themes in Brazil.Moreover, as it has also been noted in other studies,the coverage of climate change in Braziliannewspapers is overwhelmingly concentrated in a fewmajor vehicles of large circulation. The study byANDI (2009) showed how in comprehensive sampleof 50 newspapers only six – four general dailypapers and two specialised in economic isssues, allwith national circulation – published 37% of allnews articles on climate change <strong>issue</strong>s between 2005and 2008 in Brazil. The authors repeated the study in2008 and found that 48% of the coverage of climaterelatednews was done by those same newspapers(ANDI, 2009). These trends represent a considerableReferencesAllison, E. H. Perry, A. L. Badjeck, M.C. Adger, W.N. Brown, K. Conway D. Halls, A. S. Pilling,G. M. Reynolds, J. D. Andrew, N. L., Dulvy,N. K. 2009. Climate change and fisheries: acomparative analysis of the relative vulnerabilityof 132 countries. Fish and Fisheries.10(2): 173–96ANDI: Agência de Notícias dos Direitos da Infância.2009. Mudanças Climáticas na ImprensaBrasileira. Uma análise comparativa de 50jornais nos períodos: Julho de 2005 a junhode 2007, Julho de 2007 a dezembro de 2008.Acessible at: http://migre.me/3aK8k.(Accessed in 04/30/2010).ANJ. 2010. Major Brazilian newspapers by dailycirculation. Accessible at http://migre.me/3aKbv. (Accessed in 04/30/2010).Badjeck, M. C. Allison, E. H. Halls, A. S. & Dulvy,obstacle to the advancement of a coverage whichreflects the existing knowledge of coastal processesand their relation to public policy. Science has beenable to approach the impacts of climate change oncoastal zones in a nuanced manner, acknowledgingits complexity and generating knowledge potentiallyapplicable to improving peoples lives in vulnerableareas. However, the mass media vehicles analysedseemed to represent the <strong>issue</strong>s in a detached way,focussed on <strong>issue</strong>s removed from Brazilian reality,overlooking both local problems and scientificexpertise. The concetration on topics which mustappeal to a broad national audience leaves littleroom for localised accounts of impacts, while aspecialised agenda may limit the coverage, in thecase of Brazilian newspapers, to economic <strong>issue</strong>s.Such findings and interpretations reinforce therelevance of a critical perspective on the study of therepresentation of climate change impacts in theBrazilian media. Further, the coastal zone emergedas a clearly valid focus of this research effort, giventhe urgent need of concerted policies andaccompanying communication aimed at increasingthe chances of preventing disasters and implementingsuccessful adaptive measures for coastalhuman populations.AcknowledgementsLuceni Hellebrandt is funded by the CNPq(grant no. 381476/2009-0). This research is linked tothe project SACC-HD Climate change, oceanographicvariability and the artisanal fisheries in theSW Atlantic: a human dimension approach(CRN2076), funded by the Inter-american Institutefor Global Change Research – IAI.N. K. (2010), ‘Impacts of climate variabilityand change on fishery-based livelihoods’,Marine Policy. 34(3): 375-383.Bunce, M. Brown, K. & Rosendo, S. 2010, Policymisfits, climate change and cross-scalevulnerability in coastal Africa: howdevelopment projects undermine resilience.Environmental Science & Policy. 13(6):485-497.Bazeley, P. 2007. Qualitative data analysis withNVivo. London: Sage.Beck, U. 1992. Risk Society: Towards a NewModernity. London: Sage.Billet, S. 2010. Dividing climate change: globalwarming in the Indian mass media. ClimaticChange. 99:1–16Boykoff, M. 2008. The real swindle. Nature Reports- Climate Change. Nature. 2: 31-32Pan-American Journal of Aquatic Sciences (2010), 5(2): 298-309