However, the literature is mixed in regards to the definition <strong>of</strong> high quality programming. TheHarvard Family Research Project (2003) provided an overview <strong>of</strong> 27 evaluations <strong>of</strong> after-schoolprograms that used experimental and quasi-experimental research designs to make statementsabout program outcomes. Results from this study suggest that after-school programcomponents and factors that yield greater benefits for youth are programs that match programcontent and scheduling to participant’s needs (i.e. the need to make money or flexiblescheduling), programs that keep teens involved with opportunities for leadership, andcommunity service programs.Lauver and Little (2005) report that paid employment yields greater benefits for teens,especially those in low-income communities, while Rhodes (2004) stresses that caring youthstaffrelationships are extremely important. In terms <strong>of</strong> recruitment and retention strategies,Lauver and Little (2005) state that there are three critical elements to quality after-schoolprogramming. These include: “1) a sense <strong>of</strong> safety and community that is both physical andpsychological, 2) committed program staff who develop supportive relationships with youth, and3) challenging, age-appropriate, and fun program activities” (pg. 72).Despite the potential benefits <strong>of</strong> ASPs, attrition is a major concern and threat to theirprosperity. In a national evaluation <strong>of</strong> the 21st Century Community Learning Center program,25% <strong>of</strong> the participants withdrew in the first two months <strong>of</strong> their ASP (HFRP, 2004).Additionally, in Weisman and Gottfredson’s (2001) evaluation <strong>of</strong> eight different ASPs involved inthe Maryland After-School Community Grant Program, “withdrawal interviews” showed that33% <strong>of</strong> the students found the program boring, 19% <strong>of</strong> the students had relocated to adifferent area and could not attend the after-school program and 14% <strong>of</strong> the students hadtransportation problems that caused them to drop out <strong>of</strong> the program. Indeed, the literaturecommonly finds that it is difficult to retain teen participants because <strong>of</strong> a lack <strong>of</strong> interestingactivities.In a study <strong>of</strong> three Boys and Girls Clubs <strong>of</strong> America in New York and five in Boston, about 44%<strong>of</strong> the teens in the Boston clubs and 54% <strong>of</strong> the teens from the New York clubs citeduninteresting activities as the main barrier to participation (Herrera & Arbreton, 2003). Finally,the Harvard Family Research Project (2004) states that most ASPs experience attrition rates <strong>of</strong>20-40% and most commonly lose participants early in the program year due to boredom and/ora lack <strong>of</strong> interesting program activities.High attrition rates can be particularly problematic if there are systematic differences betweenthe youth who drop out <strong>of</strong> ASPs and those who remain in ASPs. For example, youth who dropout <strong>of</strong> ASPs may come from low-income homes or single parent households. They may havelearning disabilities that may negatively impact their ability to perform in an after-schoolprogram setting. These youth may be less likely to remain in ASPs than youth without theseproblems and may be in need <strong>of</strong> more individualized after-school care. These differences areespecially salient for program implementers seeking to positively impact at-risk populations <strong>of</strong>youth. If more at-risk youth are dropping out <strong>of</strong> ASPs then the chances <strong>of</strong> reducing delinquentbehavior is diminished. Indeed, the literature on the effects <strong>of</strong> selection bias tell us that thosewho remain in after-school programs are more likely to perform well in other areas <strong>of</strong> liferegardless <strong>of</strong> participation in the ASP (HFRP, 2004). In other words, those who choose toparticipate in ASPs are not necessarily at-risk and are systematically different from those whochoose not to participate in ASPs. Similarly, Weisman and Gottfredson’s (2001) study shows
that students who choose not to participate in ASPs are exactly the type <strong>of</strong> at-risk students thatsome ASPs are targeting.Some interesting qualitative studies have emerged from the New Directions for YouthDevelopment series. In a study conducted by Borden, Perkins, Villarruel, and Stone (2005), theresearchers examine the possible correlation between ethnicity and choosing to participate inASPs. Borden and her colleagues (2005) conducted a qualitative study in which they asked agroup <strong>of</strong> 77 urban youth who reported active participation in a structured program for youthand who identified themselves as Black/African American, Latino, Arab American, or Chaldeanabout why they chose to participate or not to participate in voluntary ASPs. The youth werealso asked to speculate about the reasons for participation and non-participation <strong>of</strong> other youthin their neighborhoods and schools. Over half <strong>of</strong> the youth reported attending one <strong>of</strong> the nineethnic-oriented, community-based ASPs that were identified for the study at least three times aweek (Borden, et al., 2005).The study showed that reasons for non-participation varied between ethnic groups, by age, andby gender. There were four main reasons for non-participation: youth “1) were too busy orlacked time, 2) had other interests, 3) held negative opinions <strong>of</strong> the youth center, or 4) wereconstrained from participation by parents or guardians” (Borden, et al., 2005, pg. 39).Some programs were perceived as boring or more suitable for younger students. In fact, forthe students over age 15, the presence <strong>of</strong> younger children at the youth centers was describedas a major deterrent to their enrollment and participation.The popularity <strong>of</strong> the program was also a concern for some <strong>of</strong> the teenagers in the group. Ifthe programs were not as popular or favorable to their peers, the youth were less likely toparticipate (Borden, et al., 2005).The African American females in the group cited competing interests and negative opinions <strong>of</strong>the youth center in response to why they and their peers do not participate in some ASPs. TheLatina girls repeatedly cited chores at home or babysitting as a major barrier to participation.Likewise, the Arab American females cited lack <strong>of</strong> time, <strong>of</strong>ten due to homework or babysitting,and lack <strong>of</strong> confidence as some <strong>of</strong> the major barriers to attendance in ASPs. The ArabAmerican, Chaldean, and Latina girls also stated that they were not allowed to participate insports like coed swimming and that some parents did not allow their daughters to go out atnight for fear <strong>of</strong> involvement with males in the ASPs. The Arab American males in the groupalso cited parental disapproval, particularly in terms <strong>of</strong> work and study behaviors that served asa barrier to participation. As one participant expressed, “I joined the football team, but my dadmade me quit because I had to work…my dad tells me that school is more important than workand work is more important than sports” (Borden, et al., 2005, pg. 40).The Chaldean females in the group diverged a bit from the dialogue in that they believed thatyouth did not participate in ASPs because they were engaged in other risky but “fun” activitiessuch as partying, smoking, or doing drugs (Borden, et al., 2005). Both the Chaldean femalesand the males in this group stated that their parents’ concerns about safety were anotherbarrier to participation in ASPs. The Chaldean males cited other extracurricular activities suchas bike riding and sports as a major barrier to participation. The Latino males in the groupmentioned that some youth did not participate because they were out getting high, doingdrugs, or out with their girlfriends (Borden, et al., 2005). Other barriers to participation for theLatino males included: lack <strong>of</strong> information, money, shyness, and concerns over body image.Finally, the attendance barrier most commonly voiced by the African American males in the
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Winter 2008Volume 3 Number 3Editor
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Examining the Potential Unintended
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centered, multidisciplinary approac
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fostering skill learning and positi
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Table 1Participation in out-of-scho
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ResultsOur analyses were conducted
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watching TV, playing video games or
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Accordingly, this research augments
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Dotterer, A.M., McHale, S.M., & Cro
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A Descriptive View of the 4-H Club
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In this paper, the results of a cro
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section is a set of statements that
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Table 3Experience in the 4-H clubNo
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significantly higher than Caucasian
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p
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This study focused only on the 4-H
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Theokas, C., Lerner, J.V., Phelps,
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potential for reaching audiences, d
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Putting Marketing Concepts into Pra
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2. Find out what others think about
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Diem, K.G. (1994). What do youth li
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Promoting Supportive Relationships
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focused on youth-adult relationship
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Conversely, more modern educational
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perhaps most importantly, the effic
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Organized youth programs, when stru
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likely to internalize the positive
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Ellis, J.M., & Caldwell, L.L. (2005
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Schweinle, A., Meyer, D.K., & Turne
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This study uses the “5 Cs” mode
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ResultsIn this analysis 48 codes we
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Table 3Inductive Codes Classified b
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CompetenceCompetence in organized s
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ecause of him (the coach)…. You d
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practices and competitions, the gir
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Eccles, J.S., & Gootmann, J.A. (Eds
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Do Higher Levels of 4-H LeadershipA
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IntroductionEmotional Intelligence
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second section examined demographic
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a constructive manner. The group is
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differences in the scores for the 1
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Adaptability include “Reality Tes
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ReferencesAmerican Academy of Pedia
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Healthy Kids, Healthy Families:A Co
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and a half million U.S. youth (ages
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Families. In partnering counties, p
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Healthy Families was then offered a
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Kamberelis, G., & Dimitriadis, G. (
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Change It Up!What Girls Say About R
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In addition, the study summarizes t