Stanley-Eric-Captive-Genders-Trans-Embodiment-and-Prison-Industrial-Complex

Maroon Abolitionistsnational diversity. Participants included those who had migrated to the US andCanada as children, as well as those born and raised in the two countries. Theirparents were Bajan, Grenadian, Egyptian, Palestinian, African American, whiteEnglish, and Italian.8. They were involved with the following organizations: Infinity Lifers LiaisonGroup, the Prison Arts Foundation, PASAN, PJAC and the Prisoners’ JusticeDay Committee in Canada; Critical Resistance, California Coalition for WomenPrisoners, Audre Lorde Project, Prison Moratorium Project, the Trans/GenderVariant in Prison Committee of California Prison Focus, Legal Services forPrisoners with Children, Justice Now, the Hands off Assata Campaign, Incite!:Women of Color against Violence, and All of Us or None in the US; PrisonersRehabilitation and Welfare Action in Nigeria, and the International Conferenceon Penal Abolition.9. Attempts to write in ways that challenge the gender binary are complicatedby our limited linguistic system. In particular, gender-non-conforming identitiespose a challenge in the use of pronouns. It is extremely difficult to writean article without the use of “he” or “she.” This being the case, I chose to askparticipants how they preferred to be referred to. I have respected participants’requests regarding pronouns, for example, Bakari preferred s/he.10. In the 1980s, Alberto Melucci pointed to a shift from class-based struggles overeconomic resources, to “new social movements” that were constitutive of newcollective identities related to struggles over peace, the environment, youth,gender, and racial justice (Melucci 1989; 1995). I am arguing here that these(arguably not so) new social movements can be conceptually divided betweenidentity-based movements in which the actors define their collectivity with referenceto a shared social location in relation to systems of oppression, and ideology-basedmovements that unite diverse actors through a shared critical analysis.I call the contemporary anti-prison movement an “ideology-based” (rather thanan identity-based or issue-based) movement because, as I demonstrate in thisarticle, participation in it is based on a common political analysis of the prisonindustrial complex and a shared ideological position that draws on histories ofabolitionist struggle.11. The term “directly affected” is taken from activist spaces where it is used tohighlight the importance of leadership and involvement by people from communitiesthat have been targeted in the domestic wars allegedly against crime,drugs, and terror. This rubric makes visible the differential ways in which weare “all” affected by the prison industrial complex by distinguishing those whoare indirectly affected, through the impact on state budgets for example, fromthose who have immediate and visceral experiences of gendered and racialized319