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Stanley-Eric-Captive-Genders-Trans-Embodiment-and-Prison-Industrial-Complex

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<strong>Captive</strong> <strong>Genders</strong>During CR10, the Gender Liberation/Self-determination workinggroup, which was part of the CR10 planning committee, struggled withhow to have gender self-determination <strong>and</strong> trans histories <strong>and</strong> communitiesheld in that space, <strong>and</strong> it was a constant negotiation. However, wesuccessfully engaged all of the planning process <strong>and</strong> ensured gender liberationthroughout the entire weekend: from childcare, to plenaries, as wellas logistics like bathrooms access <strong>and</strong> pre-conference prioritizing outreachto trans <strong>and</strong> gender-non-conforming communities.CG: In thinking about the legacy of trans activism against prisons <strong>and</strong>policing <strong>and</strong> the bio <strong>and</strong> necropolitical dimensions of incarceration—bethey the regulation of gender expression <strong>and</strong> hormonal access, or the outingof HIV status <strong>and</strong> denial of care—what are ways in which the inside/outside struggle against the PIC has been shaped by trans <strong>and</strong> queer liberationistmovements—especially by people of color?DR: These movements have initiated a decisive altering of the ways inwhich we “do” <strong>and</strong> “think” political work against the PIC, aiming towardabolition. These critical interventions, in my experience, are spurred bymajor discursive, theoretical, analytical, <strong>and</strong> conceptual disruptions <strong>and</strong>transformations of formerly prevalent <strong>and</strong> heteronormative activist assumptions:For example, when we speak of “medical neglect,” “medicalabuse,” or “lack of access to care,” we can no longer assume a normative,prototypical, male or female body as the object of racist <strong>and</strong> gender-oppressivestate violence. Instead, we need to underst<strong>and</strong> how it isoften precisely when the prison medical <strong>and</strong> psychiatric apparatuses are“working well” that they are mobilizing some of their most fundamentalviolence against people’s already fragile sense of bodily integrity <strong>and</strong>emotional well-being. In other words, what trans <strong>and</strong> queer liberationpolitics teaches us is that there is really no such thing as a “good” or “humane”imprisonment regime within our historical conditions—there areonly differing capacities <strong>and</strong> political/juridical tolerances of a range ofphysiological destructiveness against people held captive. So by focusingon the peculiar <strong>and</strong> acute ways that trans <strong>and</strong> queer people are actuallyimprisoned, we get a far deeper insight into the institutional logics of theprison in its deadly totality.BB: Well, you have to go back to Stonewall: Wasn’t that about queer <strong>and</strong>trans people in a bar in the Village, in New York? And then you have Ku-332

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