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Torts - Cases, Principles, and Institutions Fifth Edition, 2016a

Torts - Cases, Principles, and Institutions Fifth Edition, 2016a

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Witt & Tani, TCPI 8. Duty Problem<br />

Why did the Mitchell court hold that there was no common law cause of action for<br />

negligent infliction of emotional distress, absent some physical impact? Recall that the tort of<br />

assault does not require a showing of physical impact.<br />

2. A gender bias? Plaintiffs in early negligent infliction of emotional distress cases were<br />

often women. Did the common law’s exclusion of st<strong>and</strong>-alone emotional distress damages<br />

indicate a bias against women? According to Professors Martha Chamallas <strong>and</strong> Linda Kerber, it<br />

did. The early doctrine of emotional distress, they argue, “marginaliz[ed] . . . the harm suffered<br />

by women.” In particular, Professors Chamallas <strong>and</strong> Kerber note that<br />

[t]he law of torts values physical security <strong>and</strong> property more highly than emotional<br />

security. . . . This apparently gender-neutral hierarchy of values has privileged men,<br />

as the traditional owners <strong>and</strong> managers of property, <strong>and</strong> has burdened women, to<br />

whom the emotional work of maintaining human relationships has commonly been<br />

assigned. The law has often failed to compensate women for recurring harms—<br />

serious though they may be in the lives of women—for which there is no precise<br />

masculine analogue. This phenomenon is evident in the history of tort law’s<br />

treatment of fright-based physical injuries, a type of claim historically brought more<br />

often by female plaintiffs. . . . These claims were classified in the law as emotional<br />

harms <strong>and</strong> a number of special doctrinal obstacles were created to contain recovery<br />

in such cases. . . . The inequity of the doctrines comprising the law of fright not<br />

surprisingly reflected <strong>and</strong> reinforced inequities present in the larger social <strong>and</strong><br />

cultural settings.<br />

Martha Chamallas & Linda K. Kerber, Women, Mothers, <strong>and</strong> the Law of Fright: A History, 88<br />

MICH. L. REV. 814, 814, 864 (1990). Some scholars object that the difficulty of discerning<br />

causation in such cases is a better explanation for the doctrine. See Gary T. Schwartz, Feminist<br />

Approaches to Tort Law, 2 THEORETICAL INQUIRIES L. 175, 203 (2001).<br />

3. Narrower tests. Is there a narrower way to accomplish the goals articulated by the<br />

Mitchell court? Another case involving a woman plaintiff raised that question some seventy years<br />

after Mitchell.<br />

Falzone v. Busch, 214 A.2d 12 (N.J. 1965)<br />

PROCTOR, J.<br />

Charles Falzone, was st<strong>and</strong>ing in a field adjacent to the roadway when he was struck <strong>and</strong><br />

injured by defendant’s negligently driven automobile. The second count alleges that the plaintiff,<br />

Mabel Falzone, wife of Charles, was seated in his lawfully parked automobile close to the place<br />

where her husb<strong>and</strong> was struck <strong>and</strong> that the defendant’s negligently driven automobile “veered<br />

across the highway <strong>and</strong> headed in the direction of this plaintiff,” coming “so close to plaintiff as to<br />

put her in fear for her safety.” As a direct result she became ill <strong>and</strong> required medical attention.<br />

There is no allegation that her fear arose from apprehension of harm to her husb<strong>and</strong>.<br />

The Law Division granted the defendant’s motion for summary judgment on the second . .<br />

402

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