Yoko Iyieri PhD Thesis - Research@StAndrews:FullText - University ...

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conditions can be more and more prominent in later texts as the adverb ne declines, and that the distinction between modal verbs and verbs of the other types comes to be less and less clear. It is, nonetheless, noticeable that four texts out of six still show the adverb ne alone more commonly with modal verbs than with verbs of the other types. The state of affairs in the texts of Group 3, which have lost the adverb ne to a large extent, is displayed below: 112
The nature of the finite verb and the patterning of negation (Group 3) ne/not I ne ne. . .notl not I - I Totalsi lnever,no I - + I I I + I I I I I I I I be I 21 ii ii 171 161 371 I I (5.4%)l (2.7%)l (2.7%)I (45.9%)I (43.2%)I I I modal I 1 2 I 4 I 45 I 37 I 89 I I I (1.1%) I (2.2%) I (4.5%) I (50.6%) I (41.6%) I I others I 10 I 1 I 7 I 38 I 47 I 103 I I I (9.7%)I (1.0%)I (6.8%)I (36.9%)I (45.6%)I I 1CM I I I I I I I be I 10 I 5 I 3 I 62 I 139 I 219 I I I (4.6%)I (2.3%)I (1.4%)I (28.3%fl (63.5%)I I I modal I 24 I 12 I 0 I 99 I 182 I 317 I I I (7.6%)I (3.8%)I I (31.2%)I (57.4%)I I I others I 45 I 19 I 16 I 120 I 195 I 395 I I I (11.4%)I (4.8%)I (4.1%)I (30.4%)I (49.4%)l I ICA I I I I I I I be I 161 ii 31 831 1251 2281 I I (7.0%)I (0.4%)I (1.3%)I (36.4%fl (54.8%)I I I modal I 42 I 9 I 9 I 196 I 203 I 459 I I I (9.2%)I (2.0%)l (2.0%)I (42.7%)I (44.2%)I I others I 72 I 12 I 7 I 100 I 195 I 386 I I I (18.7%)I (3.1%)I (1.8%)I (25.9%)I (50.5%)I I IHS I I I I I I I I be I 13 I 4 I 5 I 103 I 102 I 227 I I I (5.7%)I (1.8%)I (2.2%)I 45.4%)I (44.9%)I I I modal I 66 I 14 I 8 I 215 I 235 I 538 I I I (12.3%)I (2.6%)I (1.5%)I (40.0%)I (43.7%)I I I others I 46 I 20 I 18 I 206 I 311 I 601 I I _________ L (7.7%)I (3.3%)I (3.0%)I (34.3%)I (51.7%)I I I G1I. I I I I I I I Ibe I ii UI 1 lii 161 291 I I (3.4%)I I (3.4%)I (37.9%)l (55.2%fl I modal I 91 21 ii 151 231 501 I I (18.0%)I (4.0%)I (2.0%)I (30.0%)I (46.0%fl I I others 9 I 1 I 0 I 17 I 77 I 104 I (8.7%)I (1.0%)I I (16.3%)I (74.0%)I IAMA I I I I I I Ibe I 41 01 01 71 631 741 I I (5.4%)I I I (9.5%)I (85.1%)I I I modal I 6 I 1 I 0 I 16 I 46 I 69 I I I (8.7%fl (1.4%)I I (23.2%)I (66.7%)I I I others I 10 I 4 I 0 I 25 I 121 I 160 I I I (6.3%)I (2.5%)I I (15.6%)j (75.6%) _______ I 1)1' I I I I I I I be 01 01 ii 171 65 831 I I I I (1.2%) I (20.5%) I (78.3%) I I modal I 31 01 01 141 SQl 671 I (4.5%)I I I (20.9%)I (74.6%)I I I others I 6 I 0 I 7 I 149 I 244 406 I I (1.5%) I (1.7%)J (36.7%)I (60.1%) _______ I ISMA I I I I be I 3 2 I 1 24 65 I 95 I I (3.2%)I (2.1%)I (1.1%)t (25.3%)I (68.4%)I I modal I 15 I 16 I 16 I 39 I 75 I 161 I I (9.3%)! (9.9%)I (9.9%)l (24.2%)I (46.6%)! others I 11 I 11 I 4 I 21 I 72 I 119 I I (9.2%)I (9.2)I (3.4%)I (17.6%)I (60.5%)I I 113
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NEGATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS IN SELECTED
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ABS TRACT The objective of the pres
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etween the U.K. and Japan. I am als
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3.2. Negative elements and syn tact
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ABBREVIATIONS 1. Titles of the text
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CHAPTER I Introd uction 1.1. The na
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show various combinations of the ad
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confined to the use by some German
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constructions and the syntactic con
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30-5). His later work is, in genera
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favour the use of ne alone, rather
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and 1978c), all of which should hav
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and 401-2), Roscow (1981: 16-19), K
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Common to be mentioned in these stu
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actuality the intention can hardly
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(c) PM (Dgb) = Poema Morale (Oxford
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(3) KH = King Horn (Cambridge, Camb
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text of EMH, on the other hand, can
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(10) Ferumbras = Sir Ferumbras (Oxf
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GGK is extant in the single manuscr
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therefore, be always repeated in th
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cases, therefore, the distinction b
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HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF NEGATIVE
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concerned, never, no, etc. are almo
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Some examples ifiustrating the abov
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IO&N I ne ne. . . not I not I - I T
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Ne kneu heo no3t his fissing, Ne ho
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extent up to a later period than ha
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constructions in this text still se
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For Godd no mai we nangat der (50/1
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(7) The Middle English Genesis and
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alternatives to the form ne. Alongs
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Who hys hit at neuer yjou3t Of pomp
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the beginning of the fourteenth cen
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Teche we now wat men we ben, For we
Page 73 and 74: fourteenth century. The usage of ne
Page 75 and 76: progressive nature of the text may
Page 77 and 78: Negative constructions in KA are, h
Page 79 and 80: And he nikked hym naye, he nolde hi
Page 81 and 82: (b) Not He ne schownttes for no sch
Page 83 and 84: (c) Not For we ne li3the noht our l
Page 85 and 86: century, while the original text wa
Page 87 and 88: For sorow he my3te not nyght hym ne
Page 89 and 90: (early fourteenth century) also pre
Page 91 and 92: On the other hand, texts from south
Page 93 and 94: According to the stage of the devel
Page 95 and 96: use of the adverb not is unequivoca
Page 97 and 98: no, etc. in DT also reveal the most
Page 99 and 100: when not occurs after the verb, it
Page 101 and 102: 'Flert sun for-gettes Jat ne ei sei
Page 103 and 104: Ride myght respectively). The adver
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Page 107 and 108: Pa3 we ne mowe nau3t ise (WS 7/169)
Page 109 and 110: examples, not occurs after the verb
Page 111 and 112: the other cases mentioned above. Ex
Page 113 and 114: adverb ne alone is common with form
Page 115 and 116: and A&D as far as the texts of Grou
Page 117 and 118: Contracted forms and negative const
Page 119 and 120: longer occurs or occurs only occasi
Page 121 and 122: forms of will have an understandabl
Page 123: The nature of the finite verb and t
Page 127 and 128: have moved to the construction whic
Page 129 and 130: subjunctive forms, which is a disti
Page 131 and 132: never, no, etc. are involved. The d
Page 133 and 134: extensive in the sample of the pres
Page 135 and 136: favoured in the text. Not only the
Page 137 and 138: alone is quite sufficient here part
Page 139 and 140: avoided in this syntactic condition
Page 141 and 142: Of his bodi ne hauede he eyr Bute a
Page 143 and 144: Alle Je lujer Deneis Jat ne luuede
Page 145 and 146: (3) Relative clauses me/not I ne me
Page 147 and 148: Some illustrative examples are give
Page 149 and 150: Pat-clauses not dependent upon a ne
Page 151 and 152: present study provide only about 40
Page 153 and 154: (2) Those not dependent upon a nega
Page 155 and 156: Conditional clauses with the invert
Page 157 and 158: Pere the grekes hade grymly ben gir
Page 159 and 160: Since the three examples in CM all
Page 161 and 162: displayed below for the purpose of
Page 163 and 164: occasionally provide non-assertive
Page 165 and 166: does not differ much from the overa
Page 167 and 168: Some further examples are: pg was n
Page 169 and 170: Some illustrative examples are: ffo
Page 171 and 172: Optative clauses ne/not I ne me. .
Page 173 and 174: I)eclarative clauses with the inver
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(3) Declarative clauses with the in
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Clauses in which the finite verb di
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or of never, no, etc. alone has not
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Figurative negation me/not I ne me.
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3.2.15. Existential clauses Existen
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period of ME and especially outstan
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that matters at least as far as the
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C H A P T E R IV Negative Contracti
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contracted forms were stifl used as
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(1) Poema Morale (PM) As the follow
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ac, se Jet naueô hier naht ibet, m
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as the following table displays: __
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I Contracted Uncontracted I Totals
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I IContracted Incontracted I Totals
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to this particular syntactic condit
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in SEL in general, forms not record
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Uncontracted forms are also illustr
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I Ine+art IContracted Uncontracted
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eginning of the period 1350-1450. T
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I Ine+am ne + is/ys I ne + was/wace
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present tense varies between contra
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And for this cause I axe that, Who
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And Jou ne wylt a nyghtes gest (102
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Nyst noman his doleful cas Bot Besa
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j Contracted UncontracteL Totals I
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manuscript, Newstead (1967: 44-5) p
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I Contracted Uncontracted I Totals
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Uncontracted forms are also illustr
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an almost regular attestation of co
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(7) Preterite-tense forms of will 2
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existence of an unexpressed element
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and uncontracted ones (2x) with for
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encountered in them. KA and Ferumbr
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phrase is in use in a fossilized fo
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ather more likely to be connected w
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And if he wil assenty jar-to, non h
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in a text where negative contractio
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5.1. Preliminary remarks CHAPTER V
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and This ultimately contributes to
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the adverb ne is by no means a domi
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consideration. Since double negatio
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Single v.s. multiple negation in Gr
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the whole rather conservative. Mult
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As the above table shows, the occur
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He ne myght proue it neuer more (SM
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The reduction of the adverb ne is a
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Ne/nor in multiple negation Ithe nu
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According to their convention, the
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For no j)yng Thu cryst more quemyj
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2.85 and 1.15 respectively, both of
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interrogative clause all through th
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By contrast, the case in which ne/n
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each. That a shared preposition is
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The nynje comaundement yn oure tell
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concerned. It provides only around
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above table) is by no means large a
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For hi ne ssolde horn temie no3t jj
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iai in negative clauses in later ME
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SEMANTIC ASPECTS OF NEGATION
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Quen he was ded ne dout he nan Jat
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(8) forberen 'to withhold', 'to pre
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IF thou the vices lest to knowe, Mi
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P fader me for-bed al-so : Pat for
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Bot this thin g mai noght be foryet
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Here the antecedent it refers to th
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(SEL 381/229_30).15 Accordin g to S
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y 'before', 'until', etc. Labov (19
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negative connotation such as douten
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I)o nau3t so, ac mercy crye, Pat e
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They knew hyrn and he hem nought (S
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later ME texts except in I)T, where
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is accompanied by another negative
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negative contraction at all. Neithe
Page 321 and 322:
examples of multiple negation indee
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of an action occasionally present e
Page 325 and 326:
Baker, C. L. 1970. 'Double Negative
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Regulation of its Use in En glish.
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39-57. . 1989c. 'Figurative Negatio
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English Grammar'. Language 48: 773-
Page 333 and 334:
Moss, F. 1952. A Handbook of Middle
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Plowman', ed. J. A. Alford, pp. 201
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Methuen and Co. Wrenn, C. L. 1939.
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