September 11 Commission Report - Gnostic Liberation Front

“To be sure, totalitarian dictators do not consciously embark upon the road to insanity….they consider
the country where they happened to seize power only the temporary headquarters of the international
movement on the road to conquest, that they reckon victories and defeats in terms of centuries or
millennia , and that global interests always overrule the local interests of their own territory.” [The
Origins of Totalitarianism, Hannah Arendt, Harvest Book, 1968, p411.]
The Weltanschauung and ideology of the Neoconservative movement is not inherently
totalitarian, and a desire for global domination does not automatically qualify the
movement as Totalitarian. Unfortunately, it is but one of many characteristics that the
Neoconservative movement has in common with the horrors of the mid-Twentieth
Century dictators now known as Totalitarian. If one highlights the characteristics of
‘Totalitarian” regimes, the parallels between those abominations and the neoconservative
movement become clear. Here are nine more similarities between Bush’ Neoconservative
cabal, and the totalitarian regimes of Germany and the Soviet Union.
1. The movement considers itself above the law.
“…the fundamental difference between the totalitarian and all other concepts of law comes to light.
Totalitarian policy does not replace one set of laws with another, does not establish its own consensus
iuris, does not create by one revolution, a new form of legality. Its defiance of all, even its own
positive laws implies that it believes it can do without any consensus iuris whatever, and still not
resign itself to the tyrannical state of lawlessness, arbitrariness and fear.” [The Origins of
Totalitarianism, Hannah Arendt, Harvest Book, 1968, p462.]
Time and again, in protecting his business partners from criminal investigation and
pardoning them from crimes against the state, Bush has maintained that patriotism is
more important than the law, and that he as President, was above it.
‘President Bush December 24 granted pardons to former Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger and
five other individuals for their conduct related to the Iran-Contra affair.
Bush said Weinberger -- who had been scheduled to go on trial in Washington January 5 on charges
related to Iran-Contra -- was a "true American patriot," who had served with "distinction" in a series of
public positions since the late 1960s.
"I am pardoning him not just out of compassion or to spare a 75-year-old patriot the torment of lengthy
and costly legal proceedings, but to make it possible for him to receive the honor he deserves for his
extraordinary service to our country," Bush said in a proclamation granting executive clemency.
The president also pardoned five other persons who already had pleaded guilty or had been indicted or
convicted in connection with the Iran-Contra arms-for-hostages investigation. They were Elliott
Abrams, a former assistant secretary of state for Inter-American affairs; former National Security
Adviser Robert McFarlane; and Duane Clarridge, Alan Fiers, and Clair George, all former employees
of the Central Intelligence Agency.
Explaining those pardons, Bush said the "common denominator of their motivation -- whether their
actions were right or wrong -- was patriotism." [Bush Pardons Weinberger, Five Others Ties to Iran-
Contra, Dian McDonald; USIA White House Correspondent Washington, December 24, 1992]
Similarly, his son George W. Bush, has taken this interpretation of the law to a new level,
creating for himself interpretations of the law that allow him to suspend any law, in
secret, at his discretion.
‘When the New York Times revealed that George W. Bush had ordered the National Security Agency
to wiretap the foreign calls of American citizens without seeking court permission, as is indisputably
THE SEPTEMBER 11 COMMISSION REPORT Page 344