September 11 Commission Report - Gnostic Liberation Front

investigations had access to the vice president’s energy task force would be comparable to having
allowed Manuel Noriega, while under indictment for drug smuggling, to consult in the war on drugs.
At issue is a 25 percent stake purchased by Mobil in Kazakhstan’s Tengiz oil field, following an earlier
purchase of 50 percent by Chevron and an apparently desperate attempt a year later to start making
money from the fields by engaging in an illegal swap with Iran as a means of getting the Tengiz oil to
market…. it is clear that Kazakhstan-related issues were discussed behind Cheney’s closed doors. In
an analysis of the final report of the vice president’s energy task force, released in May, The
Washington Times on July 20 wrote, “While saying private investors must lead the way, the Cheney
report devotes considerable time to the Kazakh market, urging U.S. government agencies to ‘deepen
their commercial dialogue’ with Kazakhstan.” [The Elephant in the Living Room – Part I, Michael C.
Ruppert © Copyright 2002, From The Wilderness Publications, 3/ 26/2002]
Nazarbayev also turned to the Russian/Israeli Mafiya to help keep the matter quiet, as
reported by a Prime Minister under Nazarbayev:
“…members of the Eurasia Group (the Alexander Mashkevich syndicate) have promised the President
that they (will) hush up the Kazakhgate investigation through their ethnic contacts in the U.S.” [The
end of the “controlled” democracy, Interview with Akezhan Kazhegeldin, Prime Minister of
Kazakhstan]
The Mafiya boss that made the claim to be able to “protect” Nazarbayev from US courts
with his US contacts was Alexander Mashkevich. Also known as Alexandr Mashkevic,
he holds both Kazakh and Israeli citizenship, and is President of the Euro-Asian Jewish
Congress.
Mashkevich and other members of the Trio (Patokh Chodiev and Alijan Ibragimov) worked with U.S.
businessman and former Exxon Mobil executive, James Giffen, who is awaiting trial in a New York
court under the United States Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. Passed in 1997, the F.C.P.A. cites it is
unlawful for any American to bribe foreign officials, either directly or through an agent, "for the
purpose of obtaining or retaining business." Swiss investigators found that Japan Chrome, one of
Trio’s companies registered in the British Virgin Islands, transferred millions of dollars into the
accounts of another offshore company, Hovelon, owned by Giffen. These funds along with millions
more were then transferred into an offshore account of a company owned by Nazarbayev.
Mashkevich and fellow Trio members are awaiting pending trials in Belgium for money laundering,
falsifying documents and criminal association. Even though these charges were filed five years ago,
legal proceedings have been slow and the cases haven’t started.
[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander_Mashkevich]
Turning to the Mafiya and other Washington DC channels for assistance in keeping this
scandal quiet was probably consistent with the scope of this scandal, as the Russian
Mafiya was considered by Mobil executives to be significant recipients of the funds:
“The Orenburg losses were noticed by financial analysts at Mobil's headquarters, in Fairfax, Virginia,
but they didn't take their concerns to the C.E.O. "These accountants went to Williams and said 'What's
going on?' "a former company officer recalled. "He said Noto (ex-Mobil President) knew all about it
and had approved it." Nothing more was done. The losses soon became known throughout
headquarters. "It wasn't that the money was lost but the specifics of how it was handled that shook
Fairfax up," Don Voelte, the former Mobil vice-president, told me. "When I ran into Bryan and said,
'What happened?' he said the Russian mafia had got hold of it, and it was gone." [The Price of Oil,
Seymour M. Hersh, The New Yorker, July 9, 2001]
“Giffen also arranged to do all the legal work and lobbying through his white-shoe law firm, Shearman
and Sterling. Nazarbayev poured millions of dollars into the firm, even though no one seemed to know
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