Ifda dossier 47, May/June 1985

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These organizations oscillate between a more traditional advocacy character - pressing the government for solutions, and newer forms of auto- response, and the latter breaking more clearly with the traditional ways of organization of the Chilean people. This new pattern results from the neglect of its social functions by the state, the privatization of the social services (health, education, social security) and the dra- matic unemployment (more than 30% at the present) and the general situation of poverty. Another element of the novelty of these organizations is their "global" or "integral" character. They are seeking not only an improvement of their current situation, but also a better way of life, habitat and con- vivial conditions based upon democracy and solidarity, just the opposite of the individualistic attitudes characteristical of the authoritarian period. The question, of course, is whether the OEPs are not only another small sector of the Chilean enterprises and organizations that grow correla- tively to the worker's exclusion of the formal sector? And also, will this sector become formal (and even recognized by the state) if and when there is a process of economical recovery? In their majority, they cor- respond to desperate and elementary attempts at survival, but at the same time they include elements of renewal. They share a common sensi- bility with the social sectors that support a redemocratization process. They represent a culture, a language and attitudes opposed or alte,rna- tive to authoritarianism. The practices of solidarity are typical of these organizations. The OEPs are not simply organizations of the "informal sector". The informal sector usually corresponds to individual or collective activities that depend closely on the formal economy and where there are no rela- tions among informal activities. The OEPs show on the contrary that there are horizontal links between their different economic activities (purchase, production or elaboration, commercialisation and consumption) and also vertical ones (with finance institutions, aid institutions - specially the church - professional centres, technicians, workers, unem- ployed, women that work in their homes, youngsters and children). It is however especially in the rupture with the state that lies the central characteristic of the OEPs to the extent that finally it is an autonomous answer of the society to a government which is negating it a proper space. As far as the future is .concerned, an important question is the evolution of such networks after the return of democracy and economic recovery. In fact, the very survival of these organizations is not assured. But we must consider the possibilities of a democratic government to overcome the economical crisis. The reconstruction of the Chilean economy on the basis of reindustrialization, surely will not solve unemployment in neither short nor long term. Then, these popular organizations will still be necessary. If we see them not only as informal organizations, but as a network of small organizations based on solidarity, we realize that they are not only necessary but also desirable since they permit the existence of autonomous forms of production. It is one of the challenges to the next democratic government of Chile to refrain from the state omnipresence and leave to the civil society the space it needs.
ifda dossier 47 . may/june 1985 national space -P- -- EDUCATING WOMEN FOR DEVELOPMENT: THE CASE OF MOROCCO by Zakia Belhachmi 13 avenue d'Alger Rabat, Morocco Original language: English Abstract: Western theories of modernization, and the resulting development strategies and planning, do not contribute to the liberation of women in the Arab muslim context in so far as they see 'tradition' and 'modernization' as mutually exclusive concepts. In fact, as the author shows, Arab muslim tradition does not demand women's inferiority. She quotes Tahar Haddad, an early Tunisian feminist, who already in the 20s advocated education of women as a key element of their liberation as well as of development. The author also examines the case of her own country, and sees in the type of exogenous modernization embarked upon after Independence a major structural barrier to women's liberation. She calls for a shift, from anti-participatory strategies to a new, people- oriented, paradigm. (This paper constitutes a chapter of a forthcoming book whose title is the same as that of the article.) EDUQUER LES FEMMES POUR LE DEVELOPPEMENT: LE CAS DU MAROC Resume: Les theories occidentales de la modernisation et les strategies et plans de d6veloppement qui en resultant ne contribuent pas 2 la lib6- ration dea femmes dans Ie contexte arabo-musulman. En fait, la tradition arabo-musulmane ne postuie pas l'infGriorit6 des femmes. L'auteur cite Tahar Haddad, feministe tunisien, qui d6j2 dans les arm6es 20 se faisait l'avocat de 1'6ducation des felaves come element-cl6 de leur liberation et du d6veloppement. L'auteur examine aussi le cas de son pays, et volt dans 1e type de modernisation cxogSne adoptee aprzs l'Ind6pendance un obstacle structure1 majeur a la liberation feminine. Elle appelle 2 1'a- bandon de strategies anti-parcicipatives et plaide pour un nouveau para- digme, fond6 sur Ie d6veloppement hucain. EDUCACI~N DE LA M~JJER PARA EL DESARROLLO: EL CASO DE MARRUECO Resumen: Las teorias occidcntales de modernizaci6n y las estrategias y planes de desarrollo que de ellas se derivan, no contribuyen a la libe- raci6n de la mujer dentro del esquema Zrabe-musulmZn mientras sigan con- siderando "tradici6n1' y "modertiizaci6n1' como conceptos exclusivos. En efecto. como la autora nuestra, las tradiciones Zrabo-musulmanas no im- ponen la inferioridad de la mujer. Cita el caso de Tahar Haddad, pionera del feminism0 tunesino, qui6n ya por 10s anos 1920 defendia la education de la mujer, consider5ndola como un element0 clave en su liberation y desarrollo. La autora exanina el caso de su propio pals y ve en el tip0 de modernizaci6n exogena, adoptada despu6s de la independencia, una gran barrera estructural a la liberation femenina. Finalmente hace un llamado a cambiar las estrategias antiparticipativas por un nuevo paradigms ba- sad0 en el desarrollo humane.
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THE NETHERLANDS : TOOL Numerous peo
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We thought we knew We thought we kn
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. Boletin de medio ambiente y urban
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Ifda dossier 47, May/June 1985

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