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Ifda dossier 47, May/June 1985

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internationally, knows that, when all is said and done, it<br />

is important to sit at the negotiation table until the final<br />

full stop in the joint agreement has been written. In the<br />

long term we would like to see a European policy which in-<br />

cludes the real Europe - both East and West. But this is a<br />

long way down the road. The time is ripe for the EEC to feel<br />

the pressure of a demand for a better coordination of the<br />

Community's foreign policy.<br />

Notwithstanding their strength, the super powers' influence<br />

is declining, not least because regions increase their<br />

self-assertion and raise their ambitions to participate in<br />

the international decision process. Exceptions are,<br />

however still apparent, The Falkland and Lebanon conflicts<br />

would appear to be bad examples of the region's increasing<br />

influence because words remained words and were not trans-<br />

lated into actions. The practical support of the Argentine<br />

from Castro's Cuba to Pinochet's Chile never went further<br />

than speeches. The Argentinian noticed little in the form<br />

of action from his Latin American friends. The Palestinians<br />

feel the gap between words and actions from the Arab world<br />

even more.<br />

Nevertheless these two conflicts may be important elements<br />

in the development of a political solidarity in the regions,<br />

which may be noticeable internationally. We must continue<br />

to hope that as a rule, political solutions will be found,<br />

and that military solutions will be the exception.<br />

To the degree that experience comes to the fore in shaping<br />

future policies, Europe should be on solid ground. Histo-<br />

rically this has been the field of fire for the policies of<br />

the super powers, whether they resulted in disagreements and<br />

war or in agreements and new alliances. Our attention has<br />

been concentrated on the relationships between those coun-<br />

tries participating in the international decision process,<br />

which means the industrial world. The rest of the world,<br />

that is the majority of the world's population, has been<br />

held either as colonies or, as lately, receivers of smaller<br />

or larger alms. We have, however, not taken the majority of<br />

the world's population seriously, in the sense that we have<br />

regarded the development of the Third World as important<br />

also for us - our economy, employment and our security.<br />

Before this is recognized fully both in the Eastern and the<br />

Western blocks, we will continue to give priority to counter-<br />

acting the traditional contrasts and will neglect the grea-<br />

ter danger inherent in such an "ostrich" policy vis-a-vis<br />

the Third World.<br />

Two examples will indicate what I mean. Endless negotiations<br />

between North and South in the 70s, in respect of economic<br />

cooperation which could benefit both parties, gave few<br />

results. One of these, however, was the establishment of a<br />

joint commodities fund. In short, the intention was to<br />

secure the producer stable prices, and the consumer stable<br />

supplies.

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