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178 7 <strong>Gram</strong>maticalization across clauses<br />

This can fu rther be elaborated by specification in terms of combinations of the<br />

features ±dependent, ±embedded: I<br />

parataxis<br />

-dependent<br />

-embedded<br />

> hypotaxis<br />

+dependent<br />

-embedded<br />

> subordination<br />

+dependent<br />

+embedded<br />

In establishing these three cluster points, we preempt and redefine the terminology<br />

of two traditions, and expand two overlapping pairs into a three-way distinction.<br />

One pair-parataxis versus hypotaxis -derives from a primarily nineteenth-century<br />

tradition in which parataxis was understood to include all kinds of juxtaposition,<br />

and hypotaxis to include all kinds of dependency. The other pair - coordination<br />

versus subordination and especially embedding - derives from more recent traditions,<br />

in which coordination and embedding are defined formally in terms of<br />

constituent structure.<br />

The minimal process in clause combining is unification and bonding, at least<br />

pragmatically. Such bonding is often, most especially in the case of subordination,<br />

accompanied by hierarchical downgrading and desententialization (c. Lehmann<br />

1988), hence decategorialization of one member of the complex structure into a<br />

margin. A nucleus canonically contains a finite verb. Therefore decategorialization<br />

typically entails reduction of the finiteness of the verb. OfparLicular interest to us is<br />

the extent to which the cline of dependency matches up with a cline of grammatical<br />

integration, for example, finiteness on the left and non-finiteness on the right of the<br />

cline, expressed by clausal remnants such as infinitives and participles. A special<br />

case of integration is that in which bonding brings about what C. Lehmann calls<br />

"interlacing": the sharing of participants (e.g., same subject), or of tenses and<br />

moods, and also the interweaving of originally separate clauses into the surface<br />

structure of the matrix (in She seems to be smart, she appears in the matrix but<br />

is actually the subject of the embedded clause, as shown by It seems that she is<br />

smart).<br />

The question is whether the ditl'erent types of clause combining are motivated,<br />

and if so, by what. Giv6n has suggested that there is a cognitive form-function<br />

parallelism of the fo llowing type: "The more two events/states are integrated semantically<br />

or pragmatically, the more will the clauses that code them be integrated<br />

grammatically" (Giv6n 1990: 826). This is a statement about diagrammatic iconicity<br />

as it pertains to the overt form that a clause takes, not its covert, abstract structure,<br />

and can be illustrated by the various forms of complementation in English. Under<br />

most current syntactic analyses, the four sentences in (3) involve a "matrix" and<br />

a "subordinate" clause at some level of syntactic abstraction; however, they also<br />

show increasing degrees of overt morphosyntactic integration. From a discourse<br />

perspective they can also be seen to represent increasing degrees of connectedness

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