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Gram - SEAS

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3.2 Some background assumptions about change 45<br />

subsystems of a language as "contact-induced," and to other changes as "natural"<br />

(Thomason and Kaufman 1988) or "evolutive" (Paul 1920; Andersen 1973).<br />

3.2.3 Th e question of genetic endowment<br />

Although the model in Figure 3.1 does not force the issue, it was designed<br />

to characterize a grammar of relatively fixed structure at any one period, and<br />

uniformity of input. Such assumptions, as we have seen, are challenged by the<br />

study of grammaticalization (and of sociolinguistics). The model does crucially<br />

claim that there are universal laws of some kind, but, as a model, it does not specify<br />

what kinds of laws they are. Andersen speaks of them as: "the properties of [the<br />

learner's] constitution that completely determine the nature of linguistic structure,<br />

and hence the relation between a grammar and its output" (Andersen 1973: 776).<br />

The key phrase here is "completely determine." The hypothesis is that human<br />

beings are born with a set of constraints on what possible language structures can<br />

be, and ways in which they can vary.<br />

Refinement of this hypothesis has been the major focus of much recent generative<br />

theory. One widely accepted model that has been proposed is that all human beings<br />

are genetically endowed with Universal <strong>Gram</strong>mar (UG) (see, e.g., Chomsky 1981).<br />

This UG is conceived as consisting of two components: unchanging "principles"<br />

that characterize the fundamental structure of language and restrict the class of<br />

attainable grammars, and "parameters" that define the space of possible variation<br />

and are fixed by experience. Ditl"erences between languages across geographic<br />

and social space or across time are conceived as being the result of different settings<br />

of the parameters in the process of language acquisition. Lightfoot (1991)<br />

elaborated on the idea of principles and parameters for change, and argued that<br />

changes from one generation to another are the result of the fact that different<br />

learners select different possibilities from among a restricted set of structures that<br />

are genetically encoded. Specifically, he hypothesized that children contribute to<br />

language learning (and hence to change) at least a "disposition to learn." This<br />

disposition was conceived as a selective one: "an organism experiences the surrounding<br />

environment and selects relevant stimuli according to criteria that are<br />

already present internally" (1991: 2). Such a selective disposition was contrasted<br />

to an "instructive" one, which is essentially flexible and modifiable by outside<br />

stimuli. In this account of motivations for language change, the child is conceived<br />

as an LAD (language acquisition device), a processor of systems, a kind of passive<br />

logic machine with a very rich language-specific genetic endowment.<br />

In recent years the doctrine of innateness (nativism) has come under attack<br />

from several quarters. Sampson (1997) surveys critically the entire range of<br />

evidence that has been put forward for innateness. Tomasello (1999) presents

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