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Gram - SEAS

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3.5 Analogy/rule generalization 65<br />

(26) Metuo enim ne ibi vos habebam fatigatos.<br />

fear- ISO for lest there you:ACC:PL have- ISO tired-ACC:PL<br />

'For I fear that I have tired you.'<br />

However, in (22a, b) there is indeterminacy whether there is or is not agreement,<br />

since zero neuter singular (nihil 'nothing' in (22a), satis 'enough' in (22b)) is<br />

the "default" gender/number marker in Latin. With these constructions there is<br />

potential for reanalysis, but we recognize that the perfect has arisen only when<br />

there is overt and therefore determinable lack of agreement between object and<br />

participle (PART) as in:<br />

(27) Haec omnia probalum habemus.<br />

those:ACC:PL all-ACC-PL tried-PART(?) have- I PL<br />

'We have tried all those things.'<br />

(sixth century, Oribasius; cited in Fleischman 1982: 120)<br />

So long as constructions occurred which were ambiguous between adjectival participials<br />

and perfects, e.g., (26), it was not possible to tell whether reanalysis had<br />

occurred or not, except perhaps by inference from the context. Specifically, the<br />

agreeing participial, which originated in a passive adjectival form, permits the understood<br />

subject of the participial to be the subject of either the sentence or of some<br />

other entity. For example, in (26) the agent of the act of tiring could either be the<br />

subject '1', as the translation 'I fear that I have tired you' suggests (i.e., perfect),<br />

or some other, unspecified, individual(s), as in 'I fear I have/see you tired' (i.e.,<br />

participial). By contrast, the perfect requires that the understood subject of the participle<br />

is the subject of the sentence (Vincent 1982). It is only when clear instances<br />

of non-agreement, e.g., (27), occur, that we can find definitive overt evidence<br />

for the structure change. These unambiguously non-agreeing forms presumably<br />

arose by analogy ( = rule generalization) from neuter singular contexts to other<br />

contexts.<br />

A well-known example of the cyclical interaction of reanalysis, analogy<br />

( = generalization), and reanalysis is the development of negation in French.<br />

The sequence of changes must have been as follows (Hock 1991 [1986]: 194;<br />

Schwegler 1988):<br />

I. Negation was accomplished by placing the negative particle ne before the<br />

verb.<br />

II. A verb of motion negated by lie could optionally be reinforced by the<br />

pseudo-object noun pas 'step' in the context of verbs of movement:<br />

(28) II ne va (pas).<br />

he not goes (step)<br />

'He doesn't go (a step).'

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