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made advances to the chamberlain’s wife who had the reputation of a respectable and prudent woman. Realising his improper intentions, she tricked him into climbing up to the attic of the house and began to call for her husband. When the chamberlain found out what had happened, he was so pleased with the loyalty and cunning shown by his wife that he allowed the secretary to go unpunished: ‘Et luy pleut tant la vertu de sa femme, qu’il ne tint compte du vice de son compagnon’. 445 The woman in this story held honour in higher esteem than pleasure and had found a means of resisting the secretary’s advances. Her prudence and self-control made her a model of morality in the eyes of the reader. Praising this idea of virtuous love, the story served its purpose, which was to portray a moral life in the hope that readers would follow its example. 446 A different aspect of love, however, was presented in the fifty-seventh nouvelle, which narrated the story of an apothecary’s wife in Pau who tried to win back her husband’s attention in a somewhat unorthodox manner. The wife overheard her husband recommending a ‘love-powder’ to a female customer. Secretly, she took a large dose and sprinked it over her husband’s meal. However, the result was not what she expected since her husband began to suffer from a most uncomfortable stomach- ache which was eventually cured by the Queen of Navarre’s apothecary. With her plan revealed, the wife was forgiven and the husband reprimanded for his negligence by the royal apothecary. Behind the wife’s naivety and the comic nature of the story, is the theme of desperate love. This was the driving force behind the woman’s action: ‘Mais il fault excuser l’ignorance. Celle la est excusable, car la passion plus 445 Boaistuau, P., Histoires des amans fortunez, p. 137r. Bold font is mine. 446 On female prudence and loyalty see Freccerro, C., ‘Unwriting Lucretia: ‘Heroic Virtue’ in the Heptaméron’, in Polachek, D. (ed.), Heroic Virtue, Comic Infidelity: Reassessing Marguerite de Navare’s Heptaméron (Amherst, 1993), pp. 77-89; Bromilow, P., ‘The Case of Lucretia: female exemplarity in Boaistuau and Belleforest’s Histoires Tragiques and Marguerite de Navarre’s Heptameron’, in Britnell, J., Moss, A. (eds), Female Saints and Sinners (Durham, 2002), pp. 163-178. - 150 -
aueuglante c’est l’amour, et la personne plus aueuglée c’est la femme, qui n’a pas la force de conduire sagement vn si grand fais’. 447 It was an example of the ‘malheurs d’amour’, a burden endured by so many unfortunate lovers. 448 Another manifestation of love was associated with revenge, as shown in the third nouvelle. During carnival festivities, Alfonso II of Naples fell in love with a beautiful married lady. By constant courtship and engineering the frequent absences of her husband, he persuaded her to become his mistress. The cuckolded husband, fearful of the king’s power, revealed his concerns to the Queen and also expressed his feelings for her. The Queen, wishing to take revenge on Alfonso and at the same time flattered by the cheated husband’s confession, took him as her lover: ‘Et se trouuans tous deux d’vn consentement iouerent la vengeance, dont la passion auoit esté importable’. 449 Thus, a love quartet was formed of which the errant king and the unfaithful wife were completely unaware. Erotic desire, adultery and betrayal were amongst the topics of this story. 450 The reciprocal infidelity shown by all the main characters created the framework for the manifestation of an undesirable side to love. This was not virtuous love but a corruption, which put aside all moral restraints in its search for revenge. Such stories portrayed not only the problematic relationships at the time, but also the infringements of marriage codes in aristocratic Europe. 447 Boaistuau, P., Histoires des amans fortunez, p. 159v. Bold font is mine. 448 See Baker, M. J., ‘Aspects of the Psychology of Love in the Heptameron’, The Sixteenth Century Journal, vol. 19 (1988), pp. 81-87. 449 Boaistuau, P., Histoires des amans fortunez, p. 14v. Bold font is mine. 450 See Febvre, L., Amour sacré, amour profane: autour de l’Heptaméron (Paris, repr., 1971). - 151 -
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PIERRE BOAISTUAU (c. 1517-1566) AND
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ABSTRACT This study examines the ma
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In writing a PhD d
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4.1. Political theory and L’Histo
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LIST OF TABLES 1: Table of editions
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INTRODUCTION Pierre Boaistuau was a
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natural philosophy and the occult,
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1976 and 1977 marked a period of re
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of Renaissance intellectual history
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Juliet. 29 A different, but closely
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tragiques’ made use of Boaistuau
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and an earlier example, Giambattist
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(particularly in German) which clea
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and prodigies and their symbolisms,
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This overview of the main studies o
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Furthermore, the fact that a great
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Study of Boaistuau’s work can als
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Chapter One focuses on Boaistuau’
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philosophy. Short overviews of the
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CHAPTER 1 Une vie presque inconnue:
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iographers. 78 Gisèle Mathieu-Cast
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e reference to the writer’s servi
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mentioned earlier, and an article i
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other cases. For instance, Robert K
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forms of immigration and the arriva
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i’estois à Poictiers aux estudes
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university? These are questions whi
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introducing him to the literary cir
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papal court from the city. 129 It w
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that Boaistuau’s visit took place
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presque tousjours affligé depuis t
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Bref discours de l’excellence et
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After all, this is confirmed by the
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Ie ne puis semblablement passer sou
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publication of six popular works an
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made possible not only due to Boais
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A final note should be made about B
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of Navarre was not only a generous
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CHAPTER 2 Pierre Boaistuau and sixt
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invention by 1450, when he began th
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Part two will contextualise Boaistu
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The total number of Boaistuau’s e
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career distinctive compared to that
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2.1.2. Histoires prodigieuses Full
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2.1.3. Histoires tragiques Full tit
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2.1.4. L’Histoire de Chelidonius
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followed by another three in 1559,
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Although Histoires des amans fortun
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the translation of The City of God;
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Latin edition of Le Théâtre (Thea
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Paré, who made extensive use of Bo
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of Histoires prodigieuses which wer
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can be identified with - but is not
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Italian humanism and the Italian Re
Page 109 and 110: important as the major cities of No
Page 111 and 112: During the second half of the fifte
Page 113 and 114: Fig. 4: The first page of Boaistuau
Page 115 and 116: proliferation of natural philosophy
Page 117 and 118: shown in Chapter Three, Boaistuau d
Page 119 and 120: where books were rarer, literacy ha
Page 121 and 122: a much broader meaning. 323 Althoug
Page 123 and 124: vulgarization’. 330 In fact, what
Page 125 and 126: The centralized character of French
Page 127 and 128: foreign elements into their art. In
Page 129 and 130: was another catalyst in the transfo
Page 131 and 132: Fig. 10: Title page of Histoires pr
Page 133 and 134: The rise of the vernacular in Franc
Page 135 and 136: writers began to write and publish
Page 137 and 138: Considering the number of editions,
Page 139 and 140: ensured a wide readership. 374 Thes
Page 141 and 142: appealed to diverse groups of reade
Page 143 and 144: were not only collections of easy-t
Page 145 and 146: persons variously responded in diff
Page 147 and 148: sources and classical languages thr
Page 149 and 150: not clearly defined but which prove
Page 151 and 152: penalisation of Boaistuau, but this
Page 153 and 154: This retained a well-defined struct
Page 155 and 156: illustre princesse madame Marguerit
Page 157 and 158: were Bonaventure des Périers and B
Page 159: generations. For this reason he urg
Page 163 and 164: certainly written with entertainmen
Page 165 and 166: Andrew Pettegree has noted, this fl
Page 167 and 168: d’illustration rhétorique et de
Page 169 and 170: a model which combined, for the fir
Page 171 and 172: contemporary historian as proof; 48
Page 173 and 174: Consequently, he used the same trag
Page 175 and 176: ‘Boaistuau tire d’un drame de l
Page 177 and 178: human condition which makes them co
Page 179 and 180: pain and suffering. As the title re
Page 181 and 182: etween the extremes of sin and salv
Page 183 and 184: Deschamps also appeared in the text
Page 185 and 186: Another feature indicative of Le Th
Page 187 and 188: [Ils] sont confitz en telle ignoran
Page 189 and 190: ordonnoit aussi’. 548 The Breton
Page 191 and 192: ne semblent pas hommes, mais monste
Page 193 and 194: celuy qui estoit hier riche, est au
Page 195 and 196: was a work set in a different conte
Page 197 and 198: Innocent III’s De miseria humanae
Page 199 and 200: Trismegistus, probably taken from D
Page 201 and 202: qui n’esmerveillera de la memoire
Page 203 and 204: Here lies the essence of the morali
Page 205 and 206: CHAPTER 4 Religion, political theor
Page 207 and 208: 4.1. Political theory and L’Histo
Page 209 and 210: Boaistuau noted in the title. Henry
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For Boaistuau, monarchy was the ide
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The question whether the tenet of a
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example of Clément Marot and his g
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Carolingians and thence to the Cape
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war, revolt, political and social u
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in France, Guillaume Budé’s Inst
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A capable monarch should also be a
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must contain his arrogance, and not
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y Erasmus and Budé, keeping a dist
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works which exalted the military vi
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teeth), Man was born weak and defen
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lended the classical and Christian
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actively endorsing the doctrine dur
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lisant tu y trouves moins d’appro
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century France, the exposition of s
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The sixteenth century was in a sens
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History was a frequently appearing
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Protestant cause. 735 As Alexandra
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Historia Remensis ecclesiae on the
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(1563) was a martyrology in memory
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to their apostolic work of spreadin
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discipline could lead the kingdom t
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the early centuries of Christianity
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part of the work. 774 Boaistuau was
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employed many Biblical passages to
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claiming that she had children with
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qui le persecutent’. 802 By stres
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In order to better understand the t
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In addition to the non-existence of
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appropriate than the term ‘scienc
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characterised by the belief in revi
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the life of well-established theori
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understanding - and therefore shoul
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contained animals mentioned by clas
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development of natural philosophy e
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and knowledge organisation. However
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the Fugger family and seventeenth-c
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occurrence and symbolisms. Personal
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work, which Boaistuau deemed to be
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and widely-read books at the time.
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more rare than other events of its
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mystical texts of late antiquity (s
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antiquity and also ‘choses qui ne
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not just vehicles for the transmiss
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amethyst (‘Amatiste’), turquois
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Boaistuau’s attempt to decipher t
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society, where human society was eq
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had both male and female sex and co
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chien engendré d’vne Dogue et d
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1475, and two girls joined together
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part of the deliberate diversity of
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Fig. 20: A hairy girl, covered in f
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5.5. Histoires prodigieuses as a bo
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Chapter Eleven contained accounts o
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zealously repent and amend ‘least
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history. Violent winds, storms, and
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death of princes. For example, when
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Such descriptions stressed the marv
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At this point, Boaistuau diverged f
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CONCLUSION Pierre Boaistuau’s wri
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catholique. The examination of the
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APPENDIX A TABLES OF EDITIONS OF PI
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1571 Paris Jean Ruelle French (16º
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1663 London Sam. Ferris English (8
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1576 Paris Charles Macé French (8
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Maint Prince vit et maint Prince a
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Tu nous fis voir, poly, maint Amant
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Viennent sur les fleurs colliger Ta
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Ou Mort, ou Vie. - From Histoires p
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Celuy certes, serenouuelle Vne autr
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De la mort, du tombeau, de l’oubl
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BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY SOURCES Boaist
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hystoire de la faulse religion de M
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François, par P. Boaysteau, surnom
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Armutseligkeit deß Menschen, durch
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animaulx estranges, avec le naturel
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Barnes-Svarney, P. L., Svarney, T.
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Bontemps, C. et al. (eds), Le Princ
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Cameron, K., Greengrass, M., Robert
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Chrisman, M. U., Lay Culture and Le
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D’ Hozier, L.-P., Armorial géné
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Delumeau, J., La Peur en Occident:
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Ferngren, G. B. (ed.), Science and
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Gandillac, M. de, et al. (eds), La
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Greenblatt, S., Renaissance self-fa
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Houston, R. A., Literacy in Early M
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Killeen, K., Forshaw, P. J. (eds),
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Le Robert (direction A. Rey), Dicti
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Marshall, P. H., The Theatre of the
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Morford, M. P. O., Stoics and Neost
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Parsons, J., The Church in the Repu
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Quainton, M., Ronsard’s Ordered C
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Sarton, G., The Appreciation of Anc
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Siraisi, N., ‘Establishing the Su
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Swann, M., Curiosities and Texts: T
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Walsby, M., Books and Book Culture
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