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PIERRE BOAISTUAU - eTheses Repository - University of Birmingham

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Carolingians and thence to the Capetians, in order to create an uninterrupted dynasty<br />

line. The view that French kings were descendants <strong>of</strong> Charlemagne was still popular<br />

in the sixteenth century. 639 For example, Symphorien Champier in his De monarchia<br />

ac triplici imperio (1537) used the title ‘king <strong>of</strong> the French’ (Rex Gallorum) to lay<br />

claim to this particular inheritance. 640 In addition, the legitimate power <strong>of</strong> French<br />

rulers was reinforced by a wide range <strong>of</strong> rituals, collections <strong>of</strong> royal regalia and<br />

symbols in art and culture, such as the crown and Francis I’s device <strong>of</strong> the<br />

salamander. However, this ‘visual propaganda’ was exemplified nowhere better than<br />

in the coronations and royal entries to cities (<strong>of</strong>ten incorporating classical or Biblical<br />

themes), which cultivated the image <strong>of</strong> a powerful yet accessible king. For example,<br />

Henry II’s coronation in 1547 was designed to focus on his grandeur and glory, a<br />

point further stressed by a new crown made especially for the new king. 641 Similarly,<br />

his entry in Rouen in 1550 included the reproduction <strong>of</strong> a complete Brazilian village,<br />

the intention being to symbolise the French king’s power as conqueror not only <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Old World, but also <strong>of</strong> the New. 642<br />

The notion <strong>of</strong> royal supremacy was also evident in the question <strong>of</strong> head <strong>of</strong> the Church<br />

in France. As the authority <strong>of</strong> the French monarch was deemed comparable to that <strong>of</strong><br />

the Pope, the king was able to question the power <strong>of</strong> the Catholic Church regarding<br />

the regulation <strong>of</strong> Gallican Church affairs. He claimed the protection and<br />

639<br />

Morissey, R. J., Charlemagne and France: A Thousand Years <strong>of</strong> Mythology (Notre Dame, IN,<br />

2003).<br />

640<br />

The employment <strong>of</strong> history for political ends was also used in a different context, such as in the case<br />

<strong>of</strong> François Hotman’s Francogallia (1573) which proposed a political theory rooted in historical<br />

evidence which opposed absolute monarchy. See Kelley, D. R., François Hotman: A Revolutionary’s<br />

Ordeal (Princeton, 1973).<br />

641<br />

Giesey, R., The Royal Funeral Ceremony in Renaissance France (Geneva, 1960); Gaborit-Chopin,<br />

D., Regalia: les instruments du sacre des rois de France (Paris, 1987); Bryant, L. M., The King and the<br />

City in the Parisian Royal Entry Ceremony: Politics, Ritual and Art in the Renaissance (Geneva,<br />

1986).<br />

642<br />

On Henry’s entry see Wintroub, M., ‘Civilizing the Savage and Making a King: The Royal Entry<br />

Festival <strong>of</strong> Henri II (Rouen, 1550)’, The Sixteenth Century Journal, vol. 29 (1998), pp. 465-494.<br />

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